Friday, June 23, 2006
Xanana demands that the people choose between himself and FRETILIN
Update from Timor-Leste, June 22, 2006
Today the FRETILIN National Political Commission with 15 members met in the morning at the Government Palace in Dili to develop a response to President Gusmao's demand yesterday and the day before for the Prime Minister to resign. A meeting scheduled for the afternoon, between Dr Alkatiri and Lu-Olo for FRETILIN and President Gusmao, was postponed until tomorrow morning, at the request of the President, to allow him more time to consider the FRETILIN proposal. This proposal was to adopt ideas put forward the previous day by Foreign Minister Horta to create two Deputy Prime Ministers, but for Mari Alkatiri to continue as Prime Minister, addressing concerns about maintaining a competent government.
There were two media conferences – one by FRETILIN at 4pm, and one by President Gusmao at 5pm, where the President spoke for 90 minutes in what was an address to the nation. The address completely changed the agenda for the three person meeting planned for tomorrow morning, and probably cancelled it.
FRETILIN's view
The FRETILIN NPC held a media conference at 4pm at its Comoro Headquarters, where Deputy General Secretary Jose Reis, Secretary of State for Region I, and Filomeno Aleixo, presented the broad views of FRETILIN on the crisis, but not the negotiating proposal put to the President.
The FRETILIN statement was a strong endorsement of Prime Minister Alkatiri and a strong call on President Gusmao to do more to unite the nation and support the government.
The statement began by asserting that Mari Alkatiri is the Prime Minister because he was elected to be FRETILIN General Secretary and because FRETILIN won a majority of votes and seats in the 2001 elections.
It asked all elements of Timor-Leste's sovereignty to uphold the sovereignty of Timor-Leste and its Constitution and to defend the dignity of the people of Timor-Leste, the 'Maubere people'.
It asserted that the institutions of sovereignty – the President, the Parliament, the Government and the Courts – have to resolve the crisis in a constitutional way.
FRETILIN asked the President as the Supreme Commander to guarantee the unity and stability of the nation through a constitutional solution that safeguards the fundamental democratic institutions of Timor-Leste.
FRETILIN said it would contribute to the solution by asking the President to work with them and all elements of the Democratic Republic of Timor Leste and all political forces in the country to:
FRETILIN did not accept political persecution of activists as happened under the Indonesian regime and says that Rogerio Lobato is being persecuted, despite all the sacrifices of his family, including the recent burning of five family members. FRETILIN, with all the people, asked all component institutions of the state not to mix up legal and political processes, as happened under the Indonesian regime.
It noted that there are several armed civilian groups, but in the media they only hear about the Rai'los group.
FRETILIN committed to work fully with the international investigation team.
It appealed to all members not to listen to rumours that divide the people of Timor-Leste and can destroy the nation all have built on so much blood and bones. It asked people to remain calm in all Districts, Sub-Districts, Sucos and villages.
President Xanana Gusmao's view
At his media conference, President Gusmao made a very long speech about FRETILIN and its history, speaking like an all-wise grandfather scolding a naughty child and denouncing the naughty child to the world. He covered very many points in the history of FRETILIN, but the hard points were stories of FRETILIN leaders fighting each other for power in the liberation war, and fighting for power and money now. He said that the election at the FRETILIN Conference for the positions of General Secretary and President by show of hands, was illegal and therefore undemocratic. He accused Mari Alkatiri of buying votes at the Congress. He gave FRETILIN one week to hold a special conference to properly elect a new leadership. This shifts the ground for the resignation demand from the untenable arms distribution charges against the Prime Minister, and makes it into a demand to the people to choose between him as the personification of national independence, and FRETILIN.
In the concluding paragraphs of his speech President Gusmao said that if FRETILIN did not make Mari Alkitiri take responsibility for the huge crisis in the country, then tomorrow he would send his resignation letter to parliament. This contradicts the call for a special conference of FRETILIN within one week. Then he said with bitterness, that if he resigned then Lu-Olo would be president and sign the laws which he and FRETILIN would then break. He sarcastically said that the government would go on repairing the holes in Dili's streets, and the Members of Parliament would go on voting to feed their own families.
This speech is in many ways a tragic performance by a leader destroying the roots of his own leadership. In practical politics it is a major escalation of the political combat between the President and FRETILIN, following the President's failure to obtain the Prime Minister's resignation in the last two days.
FRETILIN now has to regroup to focus on this new line of criticism and attack and new level of demand, and devise a response that involves its large membership in a process which holds on to the fundamental gains of the Constitution and democratic practice. The expected schedule of Cabinet meeting and FRETILIN Central Committee meeting and ongoing talks with the President will be adjusted, but provide some process for the collective response and hard talking which the President's speech requires. The one week deadline for a special FRETILIN conference provides a timetable.
This stand-off is likely to cause even greater fear among the population, which has been reassured enough in recent days to begin to slowly return from displaced peoples centres to homes. This is a people who should not and cannot be asked to choose themselves or themselves – Xanana or FRETILIN. Where the President has so publicly rejected FRETILIN, there is a real need to find a way for FRETILIN to engage with and somehow unite with Xanana again, a way which upholds the basic values of the national liberation struggle in this phase of national construction.
Peter Murphy
Dili, June 22, 2006
Today the FRETILIN National Political Commission with 15 members met in the morning at the Government Palace in Dili to develop a response to President Gusmao's demand yesterday and the day before for the Prime Minister to resign. A meeting scheduled for the afternoon, between Dr Alkatiri and Lu-Olo for FRETILIN and President Gusmao, was postponed until tomorrow morning, at the request of the President, to allow him more time to consider the FRETILIN proposal. This proposal was to adopt ideas put forward the previous day by Foreign Minister Horta to create two Deputy Prime Ministers, but for Mari Alkatiri to continue as Prime Minister, addressing concerns about maintaining a competent government.
There were two media conferences – one by FRETILIN at 4pm, and one by President Gusmao at 5pm, where the President spoke for 90 minutes in what was an address to the nation. The address completely changed the agenda for the three person meeting planned for tomorrow morning, and probably cancelled it.
FRETILIN's view
The FRETILIN NPC held a media conference at 4pm at its Comoro Headquarters, where Deputy General Secretary Jose Reis, Secretary of State for Region I, and Filomeno Aleixo, presented the broad views of FRETILIN on the crisis, but not the negotiating proposal put to the President.
The FRETILIN statement was a strong endorsement of Prime Minister Alkatiri and a strong call on President Gusmao to do more to unite the nation and support the government.
The statement began by asserting that Mari Alkatiri is the Prime Minister because he was elected to be FRETILIN General Secretary and because FRETILIN won a majority of votes and seats in the 2001 elections.
It asked all elements of Timor-Leste's sovereignty to uphold the sovereignty of Timor-Leste and its Constitution and to defend the dignity of the people of Timor-Leste, the 'Maubere people'.
It asserted that the institutions of sovereignty – the President, the Parliament, the Government and the Courts – have to resolve the crisis in a constitutional way.
FRETILIN asked the President as the Supreme Commander to guarantee the unity and stability of the nation through a constitutional solution that safeguards the fundamental democratic institutions of Timor-Leste.
FRETILIN said it would contribute to the solution by asking the President to work with them and all elements of the Democratic Republic of Timor Leste and all political forces in the country to:
- disarm all civilian groups that have guns
- suspend demonstrations
- stop all types of violence
- give political support to the government to carry out all institutional activities to guarantee that the 2007 elections take place.
FRETILIN did not accept political persecution of activists as happened under the Indonesian regime and says that Rogerio Lobato is being persecuted, despite all the sacrifices of his family, including the recent burning of five family members. FRETILIN, with all the people, asked all component institutions of the state not to mix up legal and political processes, as happened under the Indonesian regime.
It noted that there are several armed civilian groups, but in the media they only hear about the Rai'los group.
FRETILIN committed to work fully with the international investigation team.
It appealed to all members not to listen to rumours that divide the people of Timor-Leste and can destroy the nation all have built on so much blood and bones. It asked people to remain calm in all Districts, Sub-Districts, Sucos and villages.
President Xanana Gusmao's view
At his media conference, President Gusmao made a very long speech about FRETILIN and its history, speaking like an all-wise grandfather scolding a naughty child and denouncing the naughty child to the world. He covered very many points in the history of FRETILIN, but the hard points were stories of FRETILIN leaders fighting each other for power in the liberation war, and fighting for power and money now. He said that the election at the FRETILIN Conference for the positions of General Secretary and President by show of hands, was illegal and therefore undemocratic. He accused Mari Alkatiri of buying votes at the Congress. He gave FRETILIN one week to hold a special conference to properly elect a new leadership. This shifts the ground for the resignation demand from the untenable arms distribution charges against the Prime Minister, and makes it into a demand to the people to choose between him as the personification of national independence, and FRETILIN.
In the concluding paragraphs of his speech President Gusmao said that if FRETILIN did not make Mari Alkitiri take responsibility for the huge crisis in the country, then tomorrow he would send his resignation letter to parliament. This contradicts the call for a special conference of FRETILIN within one week. Then he said with bitterness, that if he resigned then Lu-Olo would be president and sign the laws which he and FRETILIN would then break. He sarcastically said that the government would go on repairing the holes in Dili's streets, and the Members of Parliament would go on voting to feed their own families.
This speech is in many ways a tragic performance by a leader destroying the roots of his own leadership. In practical politics it is a major escalation of the political combat between the President and FRETILIN, following the President's failure to obtain the Prime Minister's resignation in the last two days.
FRETILIN now has to regroup to focus on this new line of criticism and attack and new level of demand, and devise a response that involves its large membership in a process which holds on to the fundamental gains of the Constitution and democratic practice. The expected schedule of Cabinet meeting and FRETILIN Central Committee meeting and ongoing talks with the President will be adjusted, but provide some process for the collective response and hard talking which the President's speech requires. The one week deadline for a special FRETILIN conference provides a timetable.
This stand-off is likely to cause even greater fear among the population, which has been reassured enough in recent days to begin to slowly return from displaced peoples centres to homes. This is a people who should not and cannot be asked to choose themselves or themselves – Xanana or FRETILIN. Where the President has so publicly rejected FRETILIN, there is a real need to find a way for FRETILIN to engage with and somehow unite with Xanana again, a way which upholds the basic values of the national liberation struggle in this phase of national construction.
Peter Murphy
Dili, June 22, 2006
John Martinkus: Of coup plots and shadowy foreigners
The New Zealand Herald
June 22, 2006 Thursday
John Martinkus: Of coup plots and shadowy foreigners
The East Timorese Prime Minister has added to the murk surrounding the country's descent into violence by accusing opposition groups backed by foreigners of conspiring to overthrow his Government in anarmed coup.
And his claims have been backed by senior sources within the Defence Force, who say there have been three coup plots in the past 18 months.
Mari Alkatiri, himself accused of arranging a hit squad to eliminate his critics, has for the first time given his version of what led to the Dili chaos in late May.
The breakdown of law and order led to 130,000 internal refugees and the deployment of 2200 troops from Australia, New Zealand and Malaysia.
He accused opposition groups and their foreign supporters of repeatedly trying to convince prominent commanders in the East Timorese armed forces to overthrow his Government.
"They were always trying to get the command of [former guerrilla fighters] Falintil, F-FDTL [defence forces]. They tried to convince the command to order and participate in a coup. They failed."
He claimed his opponents then tried to weaken the influence of the military.
"They tried to break Falintil and they did it by bringing out of the barracks almost 600."
He says his political opponents exploited ethnic divisions within the police force (PNTL) to create unrest.
"They succeeded in dividing the people within the PNTL. This is the whole strategy. Then they put groups of [police] against groups of [soldiers] in confrontation. And they succeeded again. This is why I requested assistance from outside," he said.
Senior sources within the armed forces command confirmed that not one but three separate approaches had been made to its leadership to lead a coup against Alkatiri in the past 18 months.
I was able to confirm that following the weeks of mass demonstrations against Alkatiri's Government in April 2005 the Defence Force commander, Brigadier Taur Matan Ruak, was approached to lead a coup.
He rejected the offer. Again early this year he was approached and requested to lead a coup in a meeting with two prominent East Timorese leaders and two foreign nationals. Again he refused, reportedly telling them it was against the constitution and would set an unacceptable precedent.
One of his leading deputies, Lieutenant Colonel Falur Rate Laek, a former regional commander from Falintil and a veteran of the war against Indonesia, was also approached by the same two local leaders and foreign nationals. He also refused and reported the incident to his command.
Due to the sensitivity of the information and the implications for the current situation, the nationalities of the foreigners were not revealed.
The armed forces believe that last month's lawlessness was an attempt to divide and destroy them as retribution for the Army's command refusing to take part in a coup.
The Prime Minister was adamant the violence was orchestrated as a part of a programme to topple his Government.
"It has to be institutions, some organisations, inside assisted by others outside," he said. "I think there are outside groups from Australia maybe from Indonesia but not the Governments. I am not accusing the Government of Indonesia or the Government of Australia. But still I do believe there are outside groups. We need some time to investigate this but the whole plan was very well done and very well executed."
It's not the first time Alkatiri has called the attempts to oust him an attempted coup. He continued to deny the accusations of a hit squad against him and his Government and dismissed them as part of a misinformation campaign run by his opposition.
He said the campaign was being run by "conservative elements in institutions" in East Timor and abroad.
Allegations against the Government of Alkatiri proved difficult to verify. The claims that at least 60 people were killed by the Army following demonstrations in late April and buried in a mass grave to the west of the city could not be checked. The priest who had claimed to have a list with 67 names on it denied he had a list.
Then there was the allegation about Vincente "Rai Los" da Concecao, the leader of a group of armed resistance fighters, who says Alkatiri's orders were carried out by former Interior Minister Rogerio Lobato, a close ally of the PM.
Da Concecao's 30 fighters were said to be based in the mountains above the town of Liquica and equipped with automatic rifles. He claimed to have received the rifles from Alkatiri and Lobato, who is now under house arrest.
Journalists who went to meet him were surprised to be directed to the house of the Carrascalao family in the hills above Liquica.
They said he had told them he was issued the weapons to kill opponents of Alkatiri's ruling Fretilin Party.
The Carrascalao family have a history of opposition to Fretilin going back to a leadership role in the UDT party which fought a civil war against Fretilin in 1975.
Alkatiri said that he knew three of the men involved in the "Rai Los" group as they had attended a Fretilin conference in May and he had briefly met them. He said he told them only to enforce security and not to kill opponents as they claimed.
Sources in the armed forces said the Rai Los men had participated in the attack on the Army base in Tacitolu. Soldiers said da Concecao was a former Falintil fighter who had been sacked in 2004 for embezzling pay cheques.
Before the allegations about supplying weapons to da Concecao were made public Alkatiri said he dismissed them as more opposition misinformation.
"The best way to overthrow somebody from power is to demonise them. That is exactly what they are trying to do and how to do it? [By] passing to media information like this that this man has a secret army with the objective to eliminate others ... instead of having killed someone from the opposition what they have done is really just to fight against the [Army].
"They fought against the [Army] on May 24 in Tacitolu. What kind of secret Fretilin group is this that they are also fighting against the [Army]. This is contradictory," said Alkatiri.
While frustrations within the Timorese armed forces ignited the latest crisis, it was preceded by riots against Alkatiri's leadership in December 2001 and a prolonged protest led by the church against his Government in April 2005.
Last February a group of soldiers from the country's west - which grew from 140 to 591 - signed a petition claiming discrimination inside the 1300-strong Army. In March they were dismissed from the armed forces.
However, as events began to unfold the dispute quickly became the start of a series of calls for Alkatiri to resign. The Prime Minister was in no doubt what had taken place. He kept referring to it as an attempted coup.
The petitioners' demonstration turned violent on April 28 when he ordered the Army to take control. Police officers ran away and in some cases joined the violence. The petitioners marched back to the west of Dili and were kept there by the Army. Three people were killed in fighting and the violence began to spread.
Last week, recalling his arrival in Dili, the commander of the Australian forces, Brigadier Mick Slater, said there were two types of gang violence.
"There were definitely the opportunistic gutless thugs ... I think they were probably the major source of violence in town. There were definitely groups, let's call them gangs, that were definitely being manipulated and co-ordinated by other people from outside that gang environment. I feel very, very strongly that that was the case."
Foreign Minister Jose Ramos Horta says Alkatiri's claims of a coup are "nonsense". "If there was a coup attempt the Prime Minister should elaborate. A coup attempt by who?"
That is a question that no one at the moment, from the military leadership, to the Prime Minister, to the commander of the Australian intervention force and the President himself, is willing to answer.
* Herald correspondent John Martinkus was in Dili last week.
June 22, 2006 Thursday
John Martinkus: Of coup plots and shadowy foreigners
The East Timorese Prime Minister has added to the murk surrounding the country's descent into violence by accusing opposition groups backed by foreigners of conspiring to overthrow his Government in anarmed coup.
And his claims have been backed by senior sources within the Defence Force, who say there have been three coup plots in the past 18 months.
Mari Alkatiri, himself accused of arranging a hit squad to eliminate his critics, has for the first time given his version of what led to the Dili chaos in late May.
The breakdown of law and order led to 130,000 internal refugees and the deployment of 2200 troops from Australia, New Zealand and Malaysia.
He accused opposition groups and their foreign supporters of repeatedly trying to convince prominent commanders in the East Timorese armed forces to overthrow his Government.
"They were always trying to get the command of [former guerrilla fighters] Falintil, F-FDTL [defence forces]. They tried to convince the command to order and participate in a coup. They failed."
He claimed his opponents then tried to weaken the influence of the military.
"They tried to break Falintil and they did it by bringing out of the barracks almost 600."
He says his political opponents exploited ethnic divisions within the police force (PNTL) to create unrest.
"They succeeded in dividing the people within the PNTL. This is the whole strategy. Then they put groups of [police] against groups of [soldiers] in confrontation. And they succeeded again. This is why I requested assistance from outside," he said.
Senior sources within the armed forces command confirmed that not one but three separate approaches had been made to its leadership to lead a coup against Alkatiri in the past 18 months.
I was able to confirm that following the weeks of mass demonstrations against Alkatiri's Government in April 2005 the Defence Force commander, Brigadier Taur Matan Ruak, was approached to lead a coup.
He rejected the offer. Again early this year he was approached and requested to lead a coup in a meeting with two prominent East Timorese leaders and two foreign nationals. Again he refused, reportedly telling them it was against the constitution and would set an unacceptable precedent.
One of his leading deputies, Lieutenant Colonel Falur Rate Laek, a former regional commander from Falintil and a veteran of the war against Indonesia, was also approached by the same two local leaders and foreign nationals. He also refused and reported the incident to his command.
Due to the sensitivity of the information and the implications for the current situation, the nationalities of the foreigners were not revealed.
The armed forces believe that last month's lawlessness was an attempt to divide and destroy them as retribution for the Army's command refusing to take part in a coup.
The Prime Minister was adamant the violence was orchestrated as a part of a programme to topple his Government.
"It has to be institutions, some organisations, inside assisted by others outside," he said. "I think there are outside groups from Australia maybe from Indonesia but not the Governments. I am not accusing the Government of Indonesia or the Government of Australia. But still I do believe there are outside groups. We need some time to investigate this but the whole plan was very well done and very well executed."
It's not the first time Alkatiri has called the attempts to oust him an attempted coup. He continued to deny the accusations of a hit squad against him and his Government and dismissed them as part of a misinformation campaign run by his opposition.
He said the campaign was being run by "conservative elements in institutions" in East Timor and abroad.
Allegations against the Government of Alkatiri proved difficult to verify. The claims that at least 60 people were killed by the Army following demonstrations in late April and buried in a mass grave to the west of the city could not be checked. The priest who had claimed to have a list with 67 names on it denied he had a list.
Then there was the allegation about Vincente "Rai Los" da Concecao, the leader of a group of armed resistance fighters, who says Alkatiri's orders were carried out by former Interior Minister Rogerio Lobato, a close ally of the PM.
Da Concecao's 30 fighters were said to be based in the mountains above the town of Liquica and equipped with automatic rifles. He claimed to have received the rifles from Alkatiri and Lobato, who is now under house arrest.
Journalists who went to meet him were surprised to be directed to the house of the Carrascalao family in the hills above Liquica.
They said he had told them he was issued the weapons to kill opponents of Alkatiri's ruling Fretilin Party.
The Carrascalao family have a history of opposition to Fretilin going back to a leadership role in the UDT party which fought a civil war against Fretilin in 1975.
Alkatiri said that he knew three of the men involved in the "Rai Los" group as they had attended a Fretilin conference in May and he had briefly met them. He said he told them only to enforce security and not to kill opponents as they claimed.
Sources in the armed forces said the Rai Los men had participated in the attack on the Army base in Tacitolu. Soldiers said da Concecao was a former Falintil fighter who had been sacked in 2004 for embezzling pay cheques.
Before the allegations about supplying weapons to da Concecao were made public Alkatiri said he dismissed them as more opposition misinformation.
"The best way to overthrow somebody from power is to demonise them. That is exactly what they are trying to do and how to do it? [By] passing to media information like this that this man has a secret army with the objective to eliminate others ... instead of having killed someone from the opposition what they have done is really just to fight against the [Army].
"They fought against the [Army] on May 24 in Tacitolu. What kind of secret Fretilin group is this that they are also fighting against the [Army]. This is contradictory," said Alkatiri.
While frustrations within the Timorese armed forces ignited the latest crisis, it was preceded by riots against Alkatiri's leadership in December 2001 and a prolonged protest led by the church against his Government in April 2005.
Last February a group of soldiers from the country's west - which grew from 140 to 591 - signed a petition claiming discrimination inside the 1300-strong Army. In March they were dismissed from the armed forces.
However, as events began to unfold the dispute quickly became the start of a series of calls for Alkatiri to resign. The Prime Minister was in no doubt what had taken place. He kept referring to it as an attempted coup.
The petitioners' demonstration turned violent on April 28 when he ordered the Army to take control. Police officers ran away and in some cases joined the violence. The petitioners marched back to the west of Dili and were kept there by the Army. Three people were killed in fighting and the violence began to spread.
Last week, recalling his arrival in Dili, the commander of the Australian forces, Brigadier Mick Slater, said there were two types of gang violence.
"There were definitely the opportunistic gutless thugs ... I think they were probably the major source of violence in town. There were definitely groups, let's call them gangs, that were definitely being manipulated and co-ordinated by other people from outside that gang environment. I feel very, very strongly that that was the case."
Foreign Minister Jose Ramos Horta says Alkatiri's claims of a coup are "nonsense". "If there was a coup attempt the Prime Minister should elaborate. A coup attempt by who?"
That is a question that no one at the moment, from the military leadership, to the Prime Minister, to the commander of the Australian intervention force and the President himself, is willing to answer.
* Herald correspondent John Martinkus was in Dili last week.
Thursday, June 22, 2006
From IPS...
EAST TIMOR: Australia - Peackeeper or Petroleum Predator?
Analysis by Kalinga Seneviratne
SYDNEY, Jun 22 (IPS) - A two month old rebellion by sacked army officials and police deserters in East Timor, one of the world's newest and poorest countries, has resulted in an Australian-led "peacekeeping" force arrival in its capital Dili, and a media-supported push for ‘regime change'.
Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri, a Muslim leading a predominantly Catholic country, is the leader of the Fretilin Party which fought for independence from Indonesia for over two decades, and which won a landslide victory in the first legislative elections in 2001.
In Australian media reports, which in turn influence regional and international reporting of the issue, the crisis in East Timor is painted as an internal power struggle where an "unpopular" Prime Minister is opposed by a peoples' movement. The words "oil" and "gas" are hardly mentioned in these reports, even though this is at the heart of the Australian intervention.
The history of East Timor independence is also the history of Australian policy flip-flops and attempts to lay hands on the vast oil deposits in the surrounding seas, now valued at over 30 billion US dollars. Yet, Australia has always painted its support for East Timorese independence as a "human rights" or "humanitarian" mission. Even today the media reporting here reflects that.
Speaking on ABC Radio recently, James Dunn an advisor to the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNMET) in 1999, described Alkatiri as a "politician who had close relations with the people" and added that he is also an efficient worker and a good bureaucrat, but not an "easy person to deal with".
It is his tough stance negotiating East Timor's rights to its oil and gas reserves with Australia over the past 5 years which has earned him the wrath of the Australian government -- which has tried to bully its poor neighbour into submitting to Canberra's ambitions to control exploration and exploitation of these natural resources.
Rob Wesley-Smith, spokesman for a Free East Timor believes that Alkatiri has dictatorial tendencies and Fretilin has become corrupted, but, he blames the government of Australian Prime Minister John Howard for precipitating the crisis by "abrogating since 1999 all the disputed oil revenue of around 1.5 billion dollars to Australia".
"Despite this area being disputed, almost certainly under UNCLOS (UN Commission for the Law of the Sea) rules, it belongs to East Timor" he told IPS, adding that television images of Australian troops who arrived in Dili where they stood by watching as looting and burning went on made him wonder, if it was a part of a sinister plot by Canberra to declare East Timor a failed state "so that they could control the Timor Sea (oil) theft".
Wesley-Smith pointed out that while Australia took almost 1.5 billion dollars in royalties from the disputed oil fields in the Timor seas since 1999, they have given back approximately 300 million dollars in aid over the same period, thus making it dependent.
Australian academic Helen Hill, author of ‘Stirring of Nationalism in East Timor", argued in a recent newspaper article that the reason Alkatiri is hated by the Canberra establishment is because, while being the only East Timorese leader standing up to Australian government bullying tactics, he has also been building links with Asian countries like China and Malaysia, Cuba, Brazil and former colonial power Portugal to help diversify East Timor's economic ties.
"He is an economic nationalist," notes Hill. "He hopes a state-owned petroleum company assisted by China, Malaysia and Brazil will enable Timor to benefit from its own oil and gas, in addition to revenue it will raise from the areas shared with Australia"..
Alkatiri has also spoken out against privatisation of electricity and managed to set up a "single desk" pharmaceutical store, despite opposition from the World Bank. He has also refused to take conditional aid from the World Bank and the IMF, invited Cuban doctors to serve in rural health centres and help in setting up a new medical school, abolished primary school fees and introduced free mid-day meals for children. All these, and the fact that he was educated and spent 24 years in exile in Marxist Mozambique have been cited by opponents in Australia as hallmarks of a communist leader.
In contrast, the rebel leader Major Alfredo Reinado, a former exile in Australia is believed to have been trained at the national defence academy in Canberra, and Australia's preferred candidate for the prime ministership foreign minister Ramos Horta set up the diplomatic training programme in Sydney during his years of exile in Australia.
Speaking on ABC-TV this week, Horta argued that East Timor cannot "afford this increasing loss of credibility of the government and poor image of the country", thus Alkatiri should step aside in the interests of his own party. Dismissing allegations made in the same programme that he has armed Fretilin members to eliminate his opponents, Alkatiri said he is under no pressure to resign and he will not do so.
The current campaign against Alkatiri reeks of policy flip-flops of successive Australian governments on East Timor since 1975 attributed to its desire to control the Timor Gap oil and gas resources.
After supporting the Indonesian annexation of 1975, in 1989 Australia and Indonesia signed the Timor Gap Treaty (TGT) to share the resources in the area. The UN Transitional Authority in East Timor declared the TGT illegal and in 2001, Australia signed a MOU with the UN authority to allow continued oil exploration in the region.
But, just before East Timor became full a independent state in 2002, the Howard government announced that it would no longer submit to maritime border rulings by the World Court an act which Alkatiri described at the time as "unfriendly" and "tying the hands" of the incoming government.
Since then, Alkatiri has had a series of heated arguments with Australia's foreign minister Alexander Downer over the issue. After bitter negotiations, in January Alkatiri was able to get Canberra to agree to a 90-10 share in East Timor's favour, of the proceeds from the Greater Sunrise field. That was after agreeing not to proceed for at least 40 years with East Timor's claim to the disputed sea under the UNCLOS convention, by which time most of the oil and gas in the area would be exhausted.
In 2005, the Alkatiri government was reported to have entered into negotiations with Petro China to build oil refining facitilies in East Timor, which would undermine Australian plans to build a refinery in the northern Australian city of Darwin to process all Timor Sea oil from both sides of the border. East Timor president Xanana Gusmao was to visit China this month to cement the deal, but this has been blocked by the Australian military.
Sydney University political scientist Tim Anderson believes that the Howard government plans to impose a "junta' on East Timor led by Horta and an ailing Gusmao, which would also include Catholic bishop nominees. "Presence of occupying (Australian) troops till next year's election might seriously undermine Fretilin's dominant position" he notes.
(END/2006)
Analysis by Kalinga Seneviratne
SYDNEY, Jun 22 (IPS) - A two month old rebellion by sacked army officials and police deserters in East Timor, one of the world's newest and poorest countries, has resulted in an Australian-led "peacekeeping" force arrival in its capital Dili, and a media-supported push for ‘regime change'.
Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri, a Muslim leading a predominantly Catholic country, is the leader of the Fretilin Party which fought for independence from Indonesia for over two decades, and which won a landslide victory in the first legislative elections in 2001.
In Australian media reports, which in turn influence regional and international reporting of the issue, the crisis in East Timor is painted as an internal power struggle where an "unpopular" Prime Minister is opposed by a peoples' movement. The words "oil" and "gas" are hardly mentioned in these reports, even though this is at the heart of the Australian intervention.
The history of East Timor independence is also the history of Australian policy flip-flops and attempts to lay hands on the vast oil deposits in the surrounding seas, now valued at over 30 billion US dollars. Yet, Australia has always painted its support for East Timorese independence as a "human rights" or "humanitarian" mission. Even today the media reporting here reflects that.
Speaking on ABC Radio recently, James Dunn an advisor to the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNMET) in 1999, described Alkatiri as a "politician who had close relations with the people" and added that he is also an efficient worker and a good bureaucrat, but not an "easy person to deal with".
It is his tough stance negotiating East Timor's rights to its oil and gas reserves with Australia over the past 5 years which has earned him the wrath of the Australian government -- which has tried to bully its poor neighbour into submitting to Canberra's ambitions to control exploration and exploitation of these natural resources.
Rob Wesley-Smith, spokesman for a Free East Timor believes that Alkatiri has dictatorial tendencies and Fretilin has become corrupted, but, he blames the government of Australian Prime Minister John Howard for precipitating the crisis by "abrogating since 1999 all the disputed oil revenue of around 1.5 billion dollars to Australia".
"Despite this area being disputed, almost certainly under UNCLOS (UN Commission for the Law of the Sea) rules, it belongs to East Timor" he told IPS, adding that television images of Australian troops who arrived in Dili where they stood by watching as looting and burning went on made him wonder, if it was a part of a sinister plot by Canberra to declare East Timor a failed state "so that they could control the Timor Sea (oil) theft".
Wesley-Smith pointed out that while Australia took almost 1.5 billion dollars in royalties from the disputed oil fields in the Timor seas since 1999, they have given back approximately 300 million dollars in aid over the same period, thus making it dependent.
Australian academic Helen Hill, author of ‘Stirring of Nationalism in East Timor", argued in a recent newspaper article that the reason Alkatiri is hated by the Canberra establishment is because, while being the only East Timorese leader standing up to Australian government bullying tactics, he has also been building links with Asian countries like China and Malaysia, Cuba, Brazil and former colonial power Portugal to help diversify East Timor's economic ties.
"He is an economic nationalist," notes Hill. "He hopes a state-owned petroleum company assisted by China, Malaysia and Brazil will enable Timor to benefit from its own oil and gas, in addition to revenue it will raise from the areas shared with Australia"..
Alkatiri has also spoken out against privatisation of electricity and managed to set up a "single desk" pharmaceutical store, despite opposition from the World Bank. He has also refused to take conditional aid from the World Bank and the IMF, invited Cuban doctors to serve in rural health centres and help in setting up a new medical school, abolished primary school fees and introduced free mid-day meals for children. All these, and the fact that he was educated and spent 24 years in exile in Marxist Mozambique have been cited by opponents in Australia as hallmarks of a communist leader.
In contrast, the rebel leader Major Alfredo Reinado, a former exile in Australia is believed to have been trained at the national defence academy in Canberra, and Australia's preferred candidate for the prime ministership foreign minister Ramos Horta set up the diplomatic training programme in Sydney during his years of exile in Australia.
Speaking on ABC-TV this week, Horta argued that East Timor cannot "afford this increasing loss of credibility of the government and poor image of the country", thus Alkatiri should step aside in the interests of his own party. Dismissing allegations made in the same programme that he has armed Fretilin members to eliminate his opponents, Alkatiri said he is under no pressure to resign and he will not do so.
The current campaign against Alkatiri reeks of policy flip-flops of successive Australian governments on East Timor since 1975 attributed to its desire to control the Timor Gap oil and gas resources.
After supporting the Indonesian annexation of 1975, in 1989 Australia and Indonesia signed the Timor Gap Treaty (TGT) to share the resources in the area. The UN Transitional Authority in East Timor declared the TGT illegal and in 2001, Australia signed a MOU with the UN authority to allow continued oil exploration in the region.
But, just before East Timor became full a independent state in 2002, the Howard government announced that it would no longer submit to maritime border rulings by the World Court an act which Alkatiri described at the time as "unfriendly" and "tying the hands" of the incoming government.
Since then, Alkatiri has had a series of heated arguments with Australia's foreign minister Alexander Downer over the issue. After bitter negotiations, in January Alkatiri was able to get Canberra to agree to a 90-10 share in East Timor's favour, of the proceeds from the Greater Sunrise field. That was after agreeing not to proceed for at least 40 years with East Timor's claim to the disputed sea under the UNCLOS convention, by which time most of the oil and gas in the area would be exhausted.
In 2005, the Alkatiri government was reported to have entered into negotiations with Petro China to build oil refining facitilies in East Timor, which would undermine Australian plans to build a refinery in the northern Australian city of Darwin to process all Timor Sea oil from both sides of the border. East Timor president Xanana Gusmao was to visit China this month to cement the deal, but this has been blocked by the Australian military.
Sydney University political scientist Tim Anderson believes that the Howard government plans to impose a "junta' on East Timor led by Horta and an ailing Gusmao, which would also include Catholic bishop nominees. "Presence of occupying (Australian) troops till next year's election might seriously undermine Fretilin's dominant position" he notes.
(END/2006)
Health workers rise to challenge of social crisis in Timor-Leste
REPÚBLICA DEMOCRÁTICA DE TIMOR-LESTE
GABINETE DO PRIMEIRO-MINISTRO
PRESS RELEASE
Health workers rise to challenge of social crisis in Timor-Leste
Timor-Leste's Community Health Centres and local health posts remained fully operational from April 29 when the first internally displaced people appeared in the capital Dili, until today when over 148,000 people rely on health workers organized through the Ministry of Health. In Diliwith 69,000 people in 57 IDP centres, the Dili District Health Service at first provided mobile health clinics, then set up 24 hour health postsin 19 centres, each with doctors and nurses.
Health Ministry staff continued to work despite many of them also having to live in IDP centres because of threats to their homes. Since June 17,the case load at the IDP centres has declined and the service is now reverting to mobile clinics, with 24-hour posts continuing for the two largest IDP centres.
The health sector is one of Timor-Leste's many success stories, because it has succeeded in providing a basic level of service to all the people of the country, even in remote locations, and it is improving the quality and availability of these services. In the public sector, these midwives, nurses, GP and hospital visits, medicines and educational programs are free - aprimary reason why all people in this very poor country can use them.
Rui Maria de Araújo, a Timorese doctor who trained in Bali and then worked as a support surgeon at Dili Hospital, was head of the Health Department under the UN administration up to May20, 2002, and then the Health Minister in the first independent government. He says that success has been about being able to spend the available money effectively. “The issue has not been money, but having good health policies and good methods of implementation so that we achieve our targets,” he said.
Under the first National Health Policy Framework developed under UNTAET, the health sector has a focus on primary health care to help cure the most common diseases, to prevent illness and to provide community education. “We deliver our services through programs aimed at mothers and children, tuberculosis, malaria and HIV/Aids. The point of contact for people is a Community Health Centre in each Sub-District, or a Health Post in population centres isolated from the Community Health Centre,” said Minister Araújo.
Each of the 65 Community Health Centres has 6 –10 nurses or midwives, and 1 – 2 general practice doctors. Each of the 175 Health Posts has one nurse and/or one midwife. The Health Ministry and its 13 District Health Management Teams is fully managed by Timorese, and employs 1,700 people. However, there are only 55 trained Timorese doctors and under a formal aid program the Cuban government provides 220 Cuban doctors and 30 Cuban health technicians. Several of the Cuban doctors are teachers at the National Institute of Health.
Training doctors, nurses and technicians at the National Institute of Health is a major priorityto ensure that availability and quality of health services continues to improve. A one-year Nursing Diploma course is now provided in exchange for athree-year contract to work in a remote Health Post. “With our expanded budget next year, we will really improve facilities, equipment and communications at our Community Health Centres and Health Posts, and thus retain our staff and really improve our services,” concluded Minister Araújo.
Díli, June 22, 2006
For further information please contact the Media Advisor:
Miguel Sarmento/Rui Flores +670 723 01 40
Peter Murphy + 61 418 312 301
Efrem dos Anjos + 670 728 2076
GABINETE DO PRIMEIRO-MINISTRO
PRESS RELEASE
Health workers rise to challenge of social crisis in Timor-Leste
Timor-Leste's Community Health Centres and local health posts remained fully operational from April 29 when the first internally displaced people appeared in the capital Dili, until today when over 148,000 people rely on health workers organized through the Ministry of Health. In Diliwith 69,000 people in 57 IDP centres, the Dili District Health Service at first provided mobile health clinics, then set up 24 hour health postsin 19 centres, each with doctors and nurses.
Health Ministry staff continued to work despite many of them also having to live in IDP centres because of threats to their homes. Since June 17,the case load at the IDP centres has declined and the service is now reverting to mobile clinics, with 24-hour posts continuing for the two largest IDP centres.
The health sector is one of Timor-Leste's many success stories, because it has succeeded in providing a basic level of service to all the people of the country, even in remote locations, and it is improving the quality and availability of these services. In the public sector, these midwives, nurses, GP and hospital visits, medicines and educational programs are free - aprimary reason why all people in this very poor country can use them.
Rui Maria de Araújo, a Timorese doctor who trained in Bali and then worked as a support surgeon at Dili Hospital, was head of the Health Department under the UN administration up to May20, 2002, and then the Health Minister in the first independent government. He says that success has been about being able to spend the available money effectively. “The issue has not been money, but having good health policies and good methods of implementation so that we achieve our targets,” he said.
Under the first National Health Policy Framework developed under UNTAET, the health sector has a focus on primary health care to help cure the most common diseases, to prevent illness and to provide community education. “We deliver our services through programs aimed at mothers and children, tuberculosis, malaria and HIV/Aids. The point of contact for people is a Community Health Centre in each Sub-District, or a Health Post in population centres isolated from the Community Health Centre,” said Minister Araújo.
Each of the 65 Community Health Centres has 6 –10 nurses or midwives, and 1 – 2 general practice doctors. Each of the 175 Health Posts has one nurse and/or one midwife. The Health Ministry and its 13 District Health Management Teams is fully managed by Timorese, and employs 1,700 people. However, there are only 55 trained Timorese doctors and under a formal aid program the Cuban government provides 220 Cuban doctors and 30 Cuban health technicians. Several of the Cuban doctors are teachers at the National Institute of Health.
Training doctors, nurses and technicians at the National Institute of Health is a major priorityto ensure that availability and quality of health services continues to improve. A one-year Nursing Diploma course is now provided in exchange for athree-year contract to work in a remote Health Post. “With our expanded budget next year, we will really improve facilities, equipment and communications at our Community Health Centres and Health Posts, and thus retain our staff and really improve our services,” concluded Minister Araújo.
Díli, June 22, 2006
For further information please contact the Media Advisor:
Miguel Sarmento/Rui Flores +670 723 01 40
Peter Murphy + 61 418 312 301
Efrem dos Anjos + 670 728 2076
Vicente Maubocy Ximenes fooled the media...
REPÚBLICA DEMOCRÁTICA DE TIMOR-LESTE
GABINETE DO PRIMEIRO-MINISTRO
PRESS RELEASE
June 22, 2006
Attention: International Affairs Reporter
Chief of Staff
Vicente Maubocy Ximenes fools media
The international media was played for fools at a bogus media conference in the Hotel Timor yesterday, when suspended FRETILIN member Vicente Maubocy Ximenes had them believe they were attending a FRETILIN media conference.
Media outlets who reported the event as genuine included the Sydney Morning Herald and the BBC.
Vicente Ximenes was suspended from FRETILIN membership over a year ago, in March 2005, and this suspension was confirmed for another 12 months by an internal disciplinary panel of FRETILIN as recently as May this year.
This suspension was imposed because Mr Ximenes made public attacks on the FRETILIN leadership, and the charge was basic lack of party discipline.
Mr Ximenes had asked to be the Minister for Tourism in the first independent government of Timor-Leste, but was not appointed to this post. Since then he has made many public attacks on the FRETILIN leadership.
With Mr Ximenes at the bogus media conference was former Timor-Leste Ambassador to Australia, Jorge Teme, who, while being a FRETILIN member, holds no post in the party. Mr Teme was reported to say that the FRETILIN Central Committee had 594 members, when it actually has 80 members, with nine alternate members, making a total of 89.
“Mr Ximenes and Mr Teme were telling the media that a majority of FRETILIN members and the Central Committee wanted to remove Mr Alkatiri from the Prime Ministership. The truth is the opposite – Mr Ximenes and Mr Teme are not authorise to represent FRETILIN at all. The great majority of FRETILIN members see the endless demands for the Prime Minister to resign as an attack on the basic principles of FRETILIN, of democracy, national independence and upholding the rights of the poorest citizens of Timor-Leste,” said senior FRETILIN leader and Minister for Agriculture, Mr Estanislau da Silva.
For further comment:
Minister Estanislau da Silva +670 723 0018
Peter Murphy + 61 418 312 301
Efrem dos Anjos +670 728 2076
Comunicação Social enganada por Vicente Maubocy Ximenes
A Comunicação Social internacional caiu no engodo da conferência de imprensa promovida ontem no Hotel Timor, quando Vicente Maubocy Ximenes, membro suspenso da FRETILIN, a levou a acreditar tratar-se de uma Conferência de Imprensa promovida pelos Órgãos da FRETILIN.
Entre outros, o Sydney Morning Herald e a BBC referiram-se à conferência de imprensa como sendo da responsabilidade da FRETILIN.
Vivcente Ximenes foi suspenso da FRETILIN há mais de um ano, em Março de 2005, e viu esta suspensão confirmada por mais 12 meses por uma comissão disciplinar do Partido, em Março deste ano.
A suspensão foi-lhe aplicada por ter proferido ataques à liderança da FRETILIN e baseia-se no não respeito à disciplina interna do Partido.
Vicente Ximenes ofereceu-se para ser Ministro do Turismo no primeiro Governo após a independência, mas nunca foi nomeado para qualquer cargo governativo. Desde então, têm sido muitos os ataques públicos à liderança da FRETILIN.
Na encenada Conferência de Imprensa de ontem, estavam presentes o ex-Embaixador de Timor-Leste em Camberra, Jorge Teme, que não detém também não tem qualquer cargo nos órgãos do Partido, sendo no entanto seu militante.
Naquela ocasião, Jorge Teme referiu que o Comité Central da FRETILIN é composto por 594 membros, quando na verdade são 80 membros efectivos e 9 suplentes, fazendo um total de 89 membros.
“Vicente Ximenes e Jorge Teme disseram na encenada conferência de imprensa que a maioria da FRETILIN e do Comité Central queriam a demissão do primeiro-ministro, Mari Alkatiri. A verdade é exactamente oposta. Os Srs. Vicente Ximenes e Jorge Teme não estão, de todo, autorizados a representar a FRETILIN. A grande maioria dos membros da FRETILIN vêem nos continuados pedidos de demissão do primeiro-ministro uma violação aos mais básicos princípios da FRETILIN, da democracia, da independência nacional e um atentado aos direitos dos mais desfavorecidos cidadãos de Timor-Leste” disse Estalisnau da Silva, membro do Comité Central da FRETILIN e Ministro da Agricultura .
For further comment:
Minister Estanislau da Silva +670 723 0018
Peter Murphy + 61 418 312 301
GABINETE DO PRIMEIRO-MINISTRO
PRESS RELEASE
June 22, 2006
Attention: International Affairs Reporter
Chief of Staff
Vicente Maubocy Ximenes fools media
The international media was played for fools at a bogus media conference in the Hotel Timor yesterday, when suspended FRETILIN member Vicente Maubocy Ximenes had them believe they were attending a FRETILIN media conference.
Media outlets who reported the event as genuine included the Sydney Morning Herald and the BBC.
Vicente Ximenes was suspended from FRETILIN membership over a year ago, in March 2005, and this suspension was confirmed for another 12 months by an internal disciplinary panel of FRETILIN as recently as May this year.
This suspension was imposed because Mr Ximenes made public attacks on the FRETILIN leadership, and the charge was basic lack of party discipline.
Mr Ximenes had asked to be the Minister for Tourism in the first independent government of Timor-Leste, but was not appointed to this post. Since then he has made many public attacks on the FRETILIN leadership.
With Mr Ximenes at the bogus media conference was former Timor-Leste Ambassador to Australia, Jorge Teme, who, while being a FRETILIN member, holds no post in the party. Mr Teme was reported to say that the FRETILIN Central Committee had 594 members, when it actually has 80 members, with nine alternate members, making a total of 89.
“Mr Ximenes and Mr Teme were telling the media that a majority of FRETILIN members and the Central Committee wanted to remove Mr Alkatiri from the Prime Ministership. The truth is the opposite – Mr Ximenes and Mr Teme are not authorise to represent FRETILIN at all. The great majority of FRETILIN members see the endless demands for the Prime Minister to resign as an attack on the basic principles of FRETILIN, of democracy, national independence and upholding the rights of the poorest citizens of Timor-Leste,” said senior FRETILIN leader and Minister for Agriculture, Mr Estanislau da Silva.
For further comment:
Minister Estanislau da Silva +670 723 0018
Peter Murphy + 61 418 312 301
Efrem dos Anjos +670 728 2076
Comunicação Social enganada por Vicente Maubocy Ximenes
A Comunicação Social internacional caiu no engodo da conferência de imprensa promovida ontem no Hotel Timor, quando Vicente Maubocy Ximenes, membro suspenso da FRETILIN, a levou a acreditar tratar-se de uma Conferência de Imprensa promovida pelos Órgãos da FRETILIN.
Entre outros, o Sydney Morning Herald e a BBC referiram-se à conferência de imprensa como sendo da responsabilidade da FRETILIN.
Vivcente Ximenes foi suspenso da FRETILIN há mais de um ano, em Março de 2005, e viu esta suspensão confirmada por mais 12 meses por uma comissão disciplinar do Partido, em Março deste ano.
A suspensão foi-lhe aplicada por ter proferido ataques à liderança da FRETILIN e baseia-se no não respeito à disciplina interna do Partido.
Vicente Ximenes ofereceu-se para ser Ministro do Turismo no primeiro Governo após a independência, mas nunca foi nomeado para qualquer cargo governativo. Desde então, têm sido muitos os ataques públicos à liderança da FRETILIN.
Na encenada Conferência de Imprensa de ontem, estavam presentes o ex-Embaixador de Timor-Leste em Camberra, Jorge Teme, que não detém também não tem qualquer cargo nos órgãos do Partido, sendo no entanto seu militante.
Naquela ocasião, Jorge Teme referiu que o Comité Central da FRETILIN é composto por 594 membros, quando na verdade são 80 membros efectivos e 9 suplentes, fazendo um total de 89 membros.
“Vicente Ximenes e Jorge Teme disseram na encenada conferência de imprensa que a maioria da FRETILIN e do Comité Central queriam a demissão do primeiro-ministro, Mari Alkatiri. A verdade é exactamente oposta. Os Srs. Vicente Ximenes e Jorge Teme não estão, de todo, autorizados a representar a FRETILIN. A grande maioria dos membros da FRETILIN vêem nos continuados pedidos de demissão do primeiro-ministro uma violação aos mais básicos princípios da FRETILIN, da democracia, da independência nacional e um atentado aos direitos dos mais desfavorecidos cidadãos de Timor-Leste” disse Estalisnau da Silva, membro do Comité Central da FRETILIN e Ministro da Agricultura .
For further comment:
Minister Estanislau da Silva +670 723 0018
Peter Murphy + 61 418 312 301
The real Vicente Maubosy Ximenes...
Vicente Maubosy Ximenes has been quoted disparagingly by the media as the spokesperson for FRETILIN, for example in Pravda, The Australian. He is even quoted on the BBC as a "law maker". Well, he is just a bum with a debt of over US$150,000 after unsuccessfully tried to open a cocconut oil factory in Viqueque. The money was a credit lent to him by the Portuguese BNU bank. His partner was Victor da Costa (see below).
But who is Vicente Ximenes?
Ximenes surrendered to the Indonesian army in the late 70s. Upon his surrender, he informed the Indonesian army of East Timorese anti-Indonesia activists who were arrested and subsequently disappeared. Ximenes continued to work closely with Indonesian military, but this time in the busineness sector. One day Ximenes had a fallout with the Indonesian military commanders with whom he has had business deals with and was forced to leave the country to Australia. He settled in Darwin.
In Darwin Vicente came face to face with the relatives of the East Timorese whom he had reported to the Indonesian army to be eliminated years earlier. These relatives assaulted him in Darwin forcing him to move to Brisbane where he completed some kind of degree.
Upon returning to Timor-Leste, Ximenes rejoined FRETILIN but with high ambitions. One of them being the post of minister for tourism. Nothing came to avail for Vicente as he soon had a fallout with Alkatiri and his faction. Ximenes then openly criticised the government and FRETILIN leadership to the point of joining the opposition groups in moves to unseat FRETILIN from government. Later on FRETILIN's Central Committee suspended Ximenes' membership of the organisation, if not expelled. In the recent Congress, Ximenes was finally expelled from any position within FRETILIN. He is now a "member" of FRETILIN and that is it. He does not represent FRETILIN in anyway.
George Teme (former Timor-Leste ambassador to Australia, removed from this post after a woman in Canberra filed a sexual harrassment suit against him), Victor Costa (fired from a senior government position after showing up to work under influence of alcohol) and Egidio de Jesus (Secretary of Region 3, unsuccessfully launched a challenge to replace Francisco Guterres LuOlo as President of FRETILIN) are part of the Ximenes clique.
These people DO NOT represent FRETILIN. If the media needs to hear FRETILIN's point of view, the only place to visit is the BP7, FRETILIN's HQ in Comoro.
But who is Vicente Ximenes?
Ximenes surrendered to the Indonesian army in the late 70s. Upon his surrender, he informed the Indonesian army of East Timorese anti-Indonesia activists who were arrested and subsequently disappeared. Ximenes continued to work closely with Indonesian military, but this time in the busineness sector. One day Ximenes had a fallout with the Indonesian military commanders with whom he has had business deals with and was forced to leave the country to Australia. He settled in Darwin.
In Darwin Vicente came face to face with the relatives of the East Timorese whom he had reported to the Indonesian army to be eliminated years earlier. These relatives assaulted him in Darwin forcing him to move to Brisbane where he completed some kind of degree.
Upon returning to Timor-Leste, Ximenes rejoined FRETILIN but with high ambitions. One of them being the post of minister for tourism. Nothing came to avail for Vicente as he soon had a fallout with Alkatiri and his faction. Ximenes then openly criticised the government and FRETILIN leadership to the point of joining the opposition groups in moves to unseat FRETILIN from government. Later on FRETILIN's Central Committee suspended Ximenes' membership of the organisation, if not expelled. In the recent Congress, Ximenes was finally expelled from any position within FRETILIN. He is now a "member" of FRETILIN and that is it. He does not represent FRETILIN in anyway.
George Teme (former Timor-Leste ambassador to Australia, removed from this post after a woman in Canberra filed a sexual harrassment suit against him), Victor Costa (fired from a senior government position after showing up to work under influence of alcohol) and Egidio de Jesus (Secretary of Region 3, unsuccessfully launched a challenge to replace Francisco Guterres LuOlo as President of FRETILIN) are part of the Ximenes clique.
These people DO NOT represent FRETILIN. If the media needs to hear FRETILIN's point of view, the only place to visit is the BP7, FRETILIN's HQ in Comoro.
President Gusmão's indecision and rush to decision make him the biggest fool...
Prime Minister Alkatiri makes President Gusmao think twice
Today began looking very bad. The news was that on Tuesday June 20, the President sent an envelope to the Prime Minister containing a video tape of the June 19 4 Corners program from ABC TV in Australia, and a letter reaquiring him to resign by 5pm or he would be sacked. This amounts to a threat to breach of the Constitution. The 4 Corners program alleges that Fretilin created hit squads on the orders of Mari Alkatiri the Prime Minister and party general secretary.
Perhaps fortunately, the Prime Minister did not open the envelope until later that night, well after 5pm. However, the President had taken no action at the deadline.
A meeting of the Council of State was convened at about 10.30 am on June 21 - it is a 15 person adivsory council for the President and makes no decision. At the meeting, the President repeated his request for the Prime Minister to resign. The Prime Minister declined the request.
The President then said that if the Prime Minister would not resign, then he would resign. But the Prime Minister told him not to do that by any means, and that he would resign first. The Foreign Minister proposed that Alkatiri hand over to two Vice Prime Ministers.
The Prime Minister told that they had to realise that if he resigned under these circumstances that his whole government would resign, and the FRETILIN members would be antagonised, the Budget may not pass through the Parliament and the Electoral Law will be dealyed, and all in all this would not be good for the country or make things any better.
That prospect surprised both the President and the Foreign Minister.
The Prime Minister said that it was not up to him alone to decide whether to resign, and he had to consult with FRETILIN and with the Cabinet (Council of Ministers).
The meeting ended with the Prime Minister undertaking to inform the President of the decision after these consultations. The FRETILIN National Political Commission will meet on June 22 in the morning, and in the afternoon the Prime Minister and the President of the Parliament will inform the President of their views of the NPC. On Friday morning the Cabinet will meet. On Saturday the FRETILIN Central Committee will meet. So perhaps on Sunday or Monday there will be an announcement of the outcome of this process.
However, the psychology of the day went against the President. He has demanded the resignation of the Prime Minister two days in a row and he has not received it. Neither the President nor Foreign Minister were talking to the media or the Australian Embassy after the Council of State meeting today.
The Australian military has been more and more aggressive in telling people that Alkatiri is the 'ex-Prime Minister' or demanding that people tell them who they support. They raised the Australian Flag at the Non-Formal Education building at Vilaverde today, after stopping the Timorese flag from being raised. This compound is being used by the Education Ministry, and also used as a dormitory for some Australian soldiers.
On June 9 two Australian helicopters flew to Lospalos at the eastern end of the island to tell people there to support the President and oppose the Prime Minister. They were surprised by a very angry reaction and had to make a hasty departure.
The resigned Interior Minister Rogerio Lobato has been questioned by the police about the secret death squad allegations, but has not been arrested. He is at his home and has visited other homes in the area today, but he has Australian soldiers at his house. The Prosecutor-General said on TV on the night news on Juen 21 that there was an arrest warrant for Lobato but it had not been implemented. Lobato did not try to leave the country and was not stopped at the airport - all rumours.
At about 6pm on June 21, some people tried to burn down the Prosecutor-General's home, but the fire brigade put out the fire in time. There was a threat to burn his house on June 20. There is anger at him for not arresting the Prime Minister and not arresting Lobato. There were many homes burnt in Dili again this evening.
As far as I can tell from FRETILIN people, there is very strong support for Mari Alkatiri, and there is a determination to resolve the current tension with the President in a way which will uphold the Constitution, respect the position of FRETILIN, help to end the sustained period of crisis in the country, and really enable the 2007 elections to take place.
The danger is that the forces that want to change the government will not give up, especially now that they have pushed the President to the very brink of breaking the Constitution.
Peter Murphy
Dili, June 21, 2006
Today began looking very bad. The news was that on Tuesday June 20, the President sent an envelope to the Prime Minister containing a video tape of the June 19 4 Corners program from ABC TV in Australia, and a letter reaquiring him to resign by 5pm or he would be sacked. This amounts to a threat to breach of the Constitution. The 4 Corners program alleges that Fretilin created hit squads on the orders of Mari Alkatiri the Prime Minister and party general secretary.
Perhaps fortunately, the Prime Minister did not open the envelope until later that night, well after 5pm. However, the President had taken no action at the deadline.
A meeting of the Council of State was convened at about 10.30 am on June 21 - it is a 15 person adivsory council for the President and makes no decision. At the meeting, the President repeated his request for the Prime Minister to resign. The Prime Minister declined the request.
The President then said that if the Prime Minister would not resign, then he would resign. But the Prime Minister told him not to do that by any means, and that he would resign first. The Foreign Minister proposed that Alkatiri hand over to two Vice Prime Ministers.
The Prime Minister told that they had to realise that if he resigned under these circumstances that his whole government would resign, and the FRETILIN members would be antagonised, the Budget may not pass through the Parliament and the Electoral Law will be dealyed, and all in all this would not be good for the country or make things any better.
That prospect surprised both the President and the Foreign Minister.
The Prime Minister said that it was not up to him alone to decide whether to resign, and he had to consult with FRETILIN and with the Cabinet (Council of Ministers).
The meeting ended with the Prime Minister undertaking to inform the President of the decision after these consultations. The FRETILIN National Political Commission will meet on June 22 in the morning, and in the afternoon the Prime Minister and the President of the Parliament will inform the President of their views of the NPC. On Friday morning the Cabinet will meet. On Saturday the FRETILIN Central Committee will meet. So perhaps on Sunday or Monday there will be an announcement of the outcome of this process.
However, the psychology of the day went against the President. He has demanded the resignation of the Prime Minister two days in a row and he has not received it. Neither the President nor Foreign Minister were talking to the media or the Australian Embassy after the Council of State meeting today.
The Australian military has been more and more aggressive in telling people that Alkatiri is the 'ex-Prime Minister' or demanding that people tell them who they support. They raised the Australian Flag at the Non-Formal Education building at Vilaverde today, after stopping the Timorese flag from being raised. This compound is being used by the Education Ministry, and also used as a dormitory for some Australian soldiers.
On June 9 two Australian helicopters flew to Lospalos at the eastern end of the island to tell people there to support the President and oppose the Prime Minister. They were surprised by a very angry reaction and had to make a hasty departure.
The resigned Interior Minister Rogerio Lobato has been questioned by the police about the secret death squad allegations, but has not been arrested. He is at his home and has visited other homes in the area today, but he has Australian soldiers at his house. The Prosecutor-General said on TV on the night news on Juen 21 that there was an arrest warrant for Lobato but it had not been implemented. Lobato did not try to leave the country and was not stopped at the airport - all rumours.
At about 6pm on June 21, some people tried to burn down the Prosecutor-General's home, but the fire brigade put out the fire in time. There was a threat to burn his house on June 20. There is anger at him for not arresting the Prime Minister and not arresting Lobato. There were many homes burnt in Dili again this evening.
As far as I can tell from FRETILIN people, there is very strong support for Mari Alkatiri, and there is a determination to resolve the current tension with the President in a way which will uphold the Constitution, respect the position of FRETILIN, help to end the sustained period of crisis in the country, and really enable the 2007 elections to take place.
The danger is that the forces that want to change the government will not give up, especially now that they have pushed the President to the very brink of breaking the Constitution.
Peter Murphy
Dili, June 21, 2006
Wednesday, June 21, 2006
President Gusmão asks PM Alkatiri to resign, but...
Yep. It finally came down to a TV program and you guessed it, it's the good old Aussie TV, the ABC. ABC's 4 Corners aired a report containing damaging allegations against the former minister of interior and the prime minister. The program showed "hit squads" who claimed that they were given weapons by Rogerio Lobato (ex MoI) under orders from the PM to eliminate government and FRETILIN opposition. President Gusmão was handed a copy of the program, he watched and then wrote a letter to the PM asking him to resign. For Liz Jackson, the journalist who made the 4 Corners program, this must be the highlight of her carreer as her work could spell the ddownfall of a democratically elected government. For President Gusmão, basing a decision on a TV program is a joke and laughable. Even his own General Prossecutor has denied that there is any evidence that links the PM to the gun distribution. Well, actually there is an investigation happening you know. I thought everyone is innocent until proven guilty. Or maybe the president reckons that a TV journalist does a better work in investigations compared to his own General Prossecutor? This is where the joke is...
I think the President rushed to decision and ended up making the wrong one, again, just like his address to the nation which sent mixed messages and put a lot of people into panic that there was to be a conflict between the "10" loromonu districts and the "3" lorosae districts...
I think the President rushed to decision and ended up making the wrong one, again, just like his address to the nation which sent mixed messages and put a lot of people into panic that there was to be a conflict between the "10" loromonu districts and the "3" lorosae districts...
Talk Of 'Failed States' Unhelpful When Discussing East Timor
COMMENTARY: Talk Of 'Failed States' Unhelpful When Discussing East Timor
From Pacific Magazine Tuesday: June 20, 2006
(EDITOR'S NOTE: The following commentary was written by Minh Nguyen who is a researcher at Uniya Jesuit Social Justice Centre and has authored several reports on the human rights situation in the Asia Pacific region. Minh Nguyen explains why Australians should be sceptical every time politicians talk about failed or failing states.)
Following a period of relative quiet, the notion of failed or failing states is again making headlines in Australia as its troops struggle to disarm warring gangs in East Timor. While such talk is designed to harvest support for the troops’ presence in the country, the “failed state” label for East Timor is neither accurate nor helpful as a way forward for the new nation.
In recent weeks, key government ministers have warned that East Timor risks becoming a failed state unless the situation quickly stabilises. The government says that Australia cannot afford to have the country turn into a failed state and, as Australian Defence Minister Brendan Nelson puts it, to have it “become a haven, perhaps, for transnational crime, for terrorism, and indeed humanitarian disasters and injustice.”
The last time a government minister spoke so passionately about failing states in Australia’s region was in mid-2003 when discussions pre-empted and explained Australia’s intervention to restore law and order in the Solomon Islands.
The successful intervention in the Solomons was quickly heralded as a model for humanitarian involvement in conflict situations around the world. With support secured for Australia’s involvement, the term “failing states” dropped out of vogue. Even the government’s major aid policy White Paper, released last month and composed in the months before violence broke out in East Timor and the Solomons, opted for the euphemistic “fragile states” to describe these nations.
An analysis by the Uniya research centre last year of the government’s use of the failed states label revealed a highly nuanced term; applied only in situations in which the Government intended to intervene militarily or had already intervened in a particular state. It comes as no surprise, then, that the term has only been used against Afghanistan, Iraq, the Solomon Islands and now East Timor.
The Government seems to think the only way of boosting domestic and international support for its overseas operations is to call forth the spectre of an “arc of instability” in the region, complete with unsubstantiated claims about a link between failed states and international terrorism and crime.
Even if it is to convince other states of the worthiness of intervention, politicising the idea of state failure – an idea that once served as a useful description for states where human rights were abused – is not only inaccurate but counter-productive. For East Timor, an already difficult situation could be made worse by implicitly taking sides in the conflict; or worse still, by implying that the East Timorese would have fared better under Indonesian occupation.
In the latest issue of The Monthly, Paul Keating’s former speechwriter Don Watson suggests what the thinking was behind Australia’s previous support for Indonesian occupation: “Life under a murderous occupation … might be better than life in a failed state, albeit one perennially dependent on Australian aid and Australian policy. What is more, in an imperfect world Suharto’s Indonesia was a lot better than its critics were willing to concede.”
Australia cannot afford a return to such thinking. The idea that independence was a mistake will not sit well with the families of the victims of former dictator Suharto’s brutal occupation, an occupation that resulted in the death of more than 100,000 people, of whom approximately 18,600 died directly at the hands of the Indonesian military, according to California-based Benetech’s statistical analysis.
The East Timorese desire for self-determination – as shown at the 1999 ballot in which 78.5 per cent voted for independence despite possible violent reprisals – cannot be so easily dismissed. While there may be truth in Gerard Henderson’s claims in a recent Herald column that clan-based division is rife in the tiny country, there are no suggestions that the Kaladis (westerners) see themselves as a nation separate to that of the Firakus (easterners).
Most keen observers will say there are many factors contributing to the present crisis. Obvious is Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri’s failure to accommodate the Kaladi soldiers’ concerns over alleged discrimination. Others would argue that Australia’s precipitous withdrawal from East Timor laid the foundation for the current conflict. Beyond this, Australia must also assess how its own “rumours” are being played out in East Timor.
Labelling East Timor as a “poorly governed” or “failing” state sends a wrong message to the East Timorese rebel leaders and could be seen to imply that Australia is keen on regime change. Such talk offers little hope for a solution that does not involve the removal of the democratically elected Prime Minister and his Fretilin party.
East Timor’s political complexities cannot be reduced to simple slogans. A United Nations Development Program (UNDP) report published in January highlighted the country’s shortcomings but also the positive steps it has taken in recent years. While noting its low human development index and the fact that people are still “chained by poverty”, the report praised the nation’s democracy as being “in the vanguard of popular participation” – hardly the sort of observations one would make of a failing state.
Robert Johnson, an occasional United Nations advisor who lives Dili, says that the blueprint for Timor’s achievements is in its National Development Plan – a “roadmap” for development established through a process of national popular consultation under the leadership of the now embattled Alkatiri. With all the talk about failing states, one might be surprise to learn that Australia’s aid agency has described East Timor’s advancement in implementing the Plan as “impressive”.
But a greater surprise comes from the World Bank. It has throughout the crisis stood by Alkatiri, the man accused by one Jakarta-based Australian journalist of being a “1960s Marxist-style ‘Che Guevara’ figure”. The Bank director Paul Wolfowitz, a staunch “neoconservative” and former mover and shaker in the Bush administration, said last month, “Timor-Leste has achieved much, thanks to the country’s sensible leadership and sound decision-making, which have helped put in place the building blocks for a stable peace and a growing economy.”
Such support paints a more complex picture of an East Timor with mixed achievements and highlights the unavoidable fact that nation-building is an ongoing, long-term process. As the UNDP report prophetically concludes, the East Timorese people will face “many painful decisions” in realising where they want to go as a nation. Their journey could be made less painful through continued practical assistance from Australia. It could be made better with moral support and well-informed and robust debates. As the latest crisis approaches its second month, the last thing the East Timorese need is more rumours about a failed or failing state.
From Pacific Magazine Tuesday: June 20, 2006
(EDITOR'S NOTE: The following commentary was written by Minh Nguyen who is a researcher at Uniya Jesuit Social Justice Centre and has authored several reports on the human rights situation in the Asia Pacific region. Minh Nguyen explains why Australians should be sceptical every time politicians talk about failed or failing states.)
Following a period of relative quiet, the notion of failed or failing states is again making headlines in Australia as its troops struggle to disarm warring gangs in East Timor. While such talk is designed to harvest support for the troops’ presence in the country, the “failed state” label for East Timor is neither accurate nor helpful as a way forward for the new nation.
In recent weeks, key government ministers have warned that East Timor risks becoming a failed state unless the situation quickly stabilises. The government says that Australia cannot afford to have the country turn into a failed state and, as Australian Defence Minister Brendan Nelson puts it, to have it “become a haven, perhaps, for transnational crime, for terrorism, and indeed humanitarian disasters and injustice.”
The last time a government minister spoke so passionately about failing states in Australia’s region was in mid-2003 when discussions pre-empted and explained Australia’s intervention to restore law and order in the Solomon Islands.
The successful intervention in the Solomons was quickly heralded as a model for humanitarian involvement in conflict situations around the world. With support secured for Australia’s involvement, the term “failing states” dropped out of vogue. Even the government’s major aid policy White Paper, released last month and composed in the months before violence broke out in East Timor and the Solomons, opted for the euphemistic “fragile states” to describe these nations.
An analysis by the Uniya research centre last year of the government’s use of the failed states label revealed a highly nuanced term; applied only in situations in which the Government intended to intervene militarily or had already intervened in a particular state. It comes as no surprise, then, that the term has only been used against Afghanistan, Iraq, the Solomon Islands and now East Timor.
The Government seems to think the only way of boosting domestic and international support for its overseas operations is to call forth the spectre of an “arc of instability” in the region, complete with unsubstantiated claims about a link between failed states and international terrorism and crime.
Even if it is to convince other states of the worthiness of intervention, politicising the idea of state failure – an idea that once served as a useful description for states where human rights were abused – is not only inaccurate but counter-productive. For East Timor, an already difficult situation could be made worse by implicitly taking sides in the conflict; or worse still, by implying that the East Timorese would have fared better under Indonesian occupation.
In the latest issue of The Monthly, Paul Keating’s former speechwriter Don Watson suggests what the thinking was behind Australia’s previous support for Indonesian occupation: “Life under a murderous occupation … might be better than life in a failed state, albeit one perennially dependent on Australian aid and Australian policy. What is more, in an imperfect world Suharto’s Indonesia was a lot better than its critics were willing to concede.”
Australia cannot afford a return to such thinking. The idea that independence was a mistake will not sit well with the families of the victims of former dictator Suharto’s brutal occupation, an occupation that resulted in the death of more than 100,000 people, of whom approximately 18,600 died directly at the hands of the Indonesian military, according to California-based Benetech’s statistical analysis.
The East Timorese desire for self-determination – as shown at the 1999 ballot in which 78.5 per cent voted for independence despite possible violent reprisals – cannot be so easily dismissed. While there may be truth in Gerard Henderson’s claims in a recent Herald column that clan-based division is rife in the tiny country, there are no suggestions that the Kaladis (westerners) see themselves as a nation separate to that of the Firakus (easterners).
Most keen observers will say there are many factors contributing to the present crisis. Obvious is Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri’s failure to accommodate the Kaladi soldiers’ concerns over alleged discrimination. Others would argue that Australia’s precipitous withdrawal from East Timor laid the foundation for the current conflict. Beyond this, Australia must also assess how its own “rumours” are being played out in East Timor.
Labelling East Timor as a “poorly governed” or “failing” state sends a wrong message to the East Timorese rebel leaders and could be seen to imply that Australia is keen on regime change. Such talk offers little hope for a solution that does not involve the removal of the democratically elected Prime Minister and his Fretilin party.
East Timor’s political complexities cannot be reduced to simple slogans. A United Nations Development Program (UNDP) report published in January highlighted the country’s shortcomings but also the positive steps it has taken in recent years. While noting its low human development index and the fact that people are still “chained by poverty”, the report praised the nation’s democracy as being “in the vanguard of popular participation” – hardly the sort of observations one would make of a failing state.
Robert Johnson, an occasional United Nations advisor who lives Dili, says that the blueprint for Timor’s achievements is in its National Development Plan – a “roadmap” for development established through a process of national popular consultation under the leadership of the now embattled Alkatiri. With all the talk about failing states, one might be surprise to learn that Australia’s aid agency has described East Timor’s advancement in implementing the Plan as “impressive”.
But a greater surprise comes from the World Bank. It has throughout the crisis stood by Alkatiri, the man accused by one Jakarta-based Australian journalist of being a “1960s Marxist-style ‘Che Guevara’ figure”. The Bank director Paul Wolfowitz, a staunch “neoconservative” and former mover and shaker in the Bush administration, said last month, “Timor-Leste has achieved much, thanks to the country’s sensible leadership and sound decision-making, which have helped put in place the building blocks for a stable peace and a growing economy.”
Such support paints a more complex picture of an East Timor with mixed achievements and highlights the unavoidable fact that nation-building is an ongoing, long-term process. As the UNDP report prophetically concludes, the East Timorese people will face “many painful decisions” in realising where they want to go as a nation. Their journey could be made less painful through continued practical assistance from Australia. It could be made better with moral support and well-informed and robust debates. As the latest crisis approaches its second month, the last thing the East Timorese need is more rumours about a failed or failing state.
Tuesday, June 20, 2006
Around 100 people participated in anti government demonstration... pfff.....
The demo was organised by one Augusto Trindade Junior, supposedly represents the National Youth Forum. Initially it was promissed to gather at least a few thousands of people. But between 100 to 200 people showed up. The organisers also promissed to stay put until the government is dismissed. But as the day wore on, most of the protesters abandoned the site. Australian media (eg. ABC), reported that the protesters were "massing outside the government palace." When I read it I imagined masses of people, possibly in their tens of thousands. But Aussie journos apparently have a different definition of what "mass of people" is. Maybe it Aussie English? TVNZ was more restraining placing the number of "masses" at 300. Aussie journos chose to report instead the demands made by the protesters, and as one would know it, it includes Alkatiri's resignation, etc. A pamphlet was also distributed denouncing Mari Alkatiri as a communist, a muslim -- apparently a crime according to the protest organisers.
Anyway, Timor-Leste has a national youth forum. If I recall correctly it the forum is called Presidium Juventude Loriku Aswain de Timor-Leste, or something like it. Its membership includes some of the biggest youth organisations in Timor-Leste (RENETIL, OJETIL, FITUN, IMPETTU, etc.), with history of active participation in the clandestine movement against Indonesian occupation.
Augusto Trindade's group sounds like an ad-hoc group set up to agitate the peace rather than for a clear focus on democracy, peace and the rule of law.
I certainly encourage the youth movements in Timor-Leste to take more active role to resolve the current crisis. For youth groups like RENETIL and OJETIL, this is the time when they can stand up and make a difference.
In the meantime, I look forward to the many tens of thousands of demonstrators promissed by the anti-government camp to descend on Dili in the next few days... Will this be the make or break demonstration? Will we see FRETILIN supporters raise up?
We'll see...
Anyway, Timor-Leste has a national youth forum. If I recall correctly it the forum is called Presidium Juventude Loriku Aswain de Timor-Leste, or something like it. Its membership includes some of the biggest youth organisations in Timor-Leste (RENETIL, OJETIL, FITUN, IMPETTU, etc.), with history of active participation in the clandestine movement against Indonesian occupation.
Augusto Trindade's group sounds like an ad-hoc group set up to agitate the peace rather than for a clear focus on democracy, peace and the rule of law.
I certainly encourage the youth movements in Timor-Leste to take more active role to resolve the current crisis. For youth groups like RENETIL and OJETIL, this is the time when they can stand up and make a difference.
In the meantime, I look forward to the many tens of thousands of demonstrators promissed by the anti-government camp to descend on Dili in the next few days... Will this be the make or break demonstration? Will we see FRETILIN supporters raise up?
We'll see...
Meanwhile, the Public Prossecutor has issued arrest warrant against Rogerio Lobato...
U N I T E D N A T I O N S N A T I O N S U N I E S
UNOTIL
United Nations Office in Timor-Leste
Public Information Office
Arrest Warrant Issued Against Former Minister Lobato
The Timorese Prosecutor-General’s office todayissued an arrest warrant against former Interior Minister Rogerio Lobato for distribution of arms to a civilian group.
Lobato was accused of distributing arms to Vicente da Conceição, known as "Rai Los” with the intent to “alter the public order and the democratic rule of law,” according to the arrest warrant.
Sukehiro Hasegawa, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative in Timor-Leste, said “the action taken by the Office of theProsecutor-General to Timor-Leste is a clear sign that the Timorese can carry out effectively their constitutionally mandated responsibility.
The independence of the judiciary branch is key tore-asserting the rule of law in Timor-Leste.” Hasegawa added, “The international community hasthe responsibility not only to protect the peoplea gainst acts of violence but also to help heal the spirit of society affected by violence, first by finding out what had really happened and then establishing the accountability for the acts of violence. It is also incumbent on the international community to help rebuild the sovereign State institutions, particularly the judiciary to exercise their independent authority and perform their functions to administer justice and to preserve the integrity of the State.”
The warrant was signed by UN-recruitedinternational prosecutors who are working forTimorese Prosecutor-General Longuinhos Monteiro.
For additional information, please contact:
Donna Cusumano, Chief, Public Information Office, UNOTIL; +670 723 0749 or Spokesperson Robert Sullivan at 670 331-2210, extension 5165
A side note: earlier this year, Rogerio Lobato while Minister of Interior, accused the foreign prossecurots of acting like neo-colonials, and enjoying a life of luxury at the expense of the East Timroese -- they often go to Bali for weekends, ant that. Well, revenge is sweet I suppose....
UNOTIL
United Nations Office in Timor-Leste
Public Information Office
Arrest Warrant Issued Against Former Minister Lobato
The Timorese Prosecutor-General’s office todayissued an arrest warrant against former Interior Minister Rogerio Lobato for distribution of arms to a civilian group.
Lobato was accused of distributing arms to Vicente da Conceição, known as "Rai Los” with the intent to “alter the public order and the democratic rule of law,” according to the arrest warrant.
Sukehiro Hasegawa, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative in Timor-Leste, said “the action taken by the Office of theProsecutor-General to Timor-Leste is a clear sign that the Timorese can carry out effectively their constitutionally mandated responsibility.
The independence of the judiciary branch is key tore-asserting the rule of law in Timor-Leste.” Hasegawa added, “The international community hasthe responsibility not only to protect the peoplea gainst acts of violence but also to help heal the spirit of society affected by violence, first by finding out what had really happened and then establishing the accountability for the acts of violence. It is also incumbent on the international community to help rebuild the sovereign State institutions, particularly the judiciary to exercise their independent authority and perform their functions to administer justice and to preserve the integrity of the State.”
The warrant was signed by UN-recruitedinternational prosecutors who are working forTimorese Prosecutor-General Longuinhos Monteiro.
For additional information, please contact:
Donna Cusumano, Chief, Public Information Office, UNOTIL; +670 723 0749 or Spokesperson Robert Sullivan at 670 331-2210, extension 5165
A side note: earlier this year, Rogerio Lobato while Minister of Interior, accused the foreign prossecurots of acting like neo-colonials, and enjoying a life of luxury at the expense of the East Timroese -- they often go to Bali for weekends, ant that. Well, revenge is sweet I suppose....
Former police commissioner distances himself from the rebel groups
From Diário de Notícias
The former police commissioner has been in hiding in Aileu but he maintains that he continues to command the police force by having regular meetings with district police commanders. He told reporters that he has never contacted Reinado and his groups nor does he have any opinion on the push to remove Mari Alkatiri from government. He insits, "I am a police officer, not a politician."
Read here for more.
The former police commissioner has been in hiding in Aileu but he maintains that he continues to command the police force by having regular meetings with district police commanders. He told reporters that he has never contacted Reinado and his groups nor does he have any opinion on the push to remove Mari Alkatiri from government. He insits, "I am a police officer, not a politician."
Read here for more.
“We will never let the people down, we are here”
REPÚBLICA DEMOCRÁTICA DE TIMOR-LESTE
GABINETE DO PRIMEIRO-MINISTRO
PRESS RELEASE
June 20, 2006
Attention: International Affairs Reporter Chief of Staff
“We will never let the people down, we are here” - Timor-Leste government coordinates emergency assistance program
For 51 days, the staff of the Timor-Leste Ministry of Labor and Community Reinsertion has responded to the waves of community fear and surges of people into safe areas in Dili and in other districts. They have ensured that people have basic needs and know they have not been abandoned. Today over 148,000 people rely on the coordination by this Ministry, the MTRC.
“Our staff, whether they come from east or west, have continued to work together to serve the people,” said Minister Arsénio Bano . “Despite the shooting, we have always had about 90% of our staff on duty, even though many of us also have to live in the Internally Displaced Persons centres too”. As of June 17, there were 57 such IDP centres in Dili, helping over 69,000 people, and there are more than 78,000 in IDP centres or with other families in the Districts and Sub-Districts.
After the first impact of the political crisis hit the community on April 28, the international community responded as if Timor-Leste was a 'failed state', with no capacity of its own to make an organised response. However, the MTRC quickly demonstrated its capacity to coordinate with UN agencies and NGO aid agencies to provide food, water, sanitation, shelter and health services to the IDP centres. MTRC had consistent backup from other Ministries, such as Health, Water, Public Works, Transport and Communications, Agriculture, Finance and State Administration.
“It was very important on the human level that we helped everyone in need, and it was also important because otherwise the political conflict may have escalated,” said Minister Bano. “With the UN's Flash Appeal for US$16 million, we need to ensure the programs are implemented effectively and transparently, using all the lessons we learned from the UNTAET period”.
The Inter-Agency Humanitarian Assistance Coordination Group started operating on May 1 with two basic mechanisms – a General Coordinating Meeting three times per week at 9.30 am, and a Sectoral Coordination Working Group which works in seven sectors – water and sanitation, health, food, shelter, District Teams, Protection Group. Assessment and Information Teams - based on all agencies and NGOs - ensure good information on the changing conditions of displaced people and enable good planning and use of warehousing and distribution. There is a daily radio program, and a media conference every second day at 2.30pm.
IDP centres are managed by nuns and priests. UNFPA, and the NGOs Concern, Care, CVTL (Red Cross Timor-Leste), HAI, ICRC (International Red Cross), Plan, Christian Relief Service, Caritas Australia and Austcare provide focal points in the IDP Centres. These agencies and organisations link the Coordination Group and the people in the centres.
The MRTC has distributed rice, and the World Food Program has distributed supplementary food items, to all IDP centres and to vulnerable people still in their homes, and government institutions. The Timor-Leste government has spent over US$1 million to buy 5000 tonnes of rice, of which the New Zealand government paid for 1000 tonnes. Ships have been sent to Atauro Island and to Oecusse, and trucks to all Districts.
For further comment:
Minister Arsénio Bano +670 723 0023
Carmen da Cruz +670 727 1516
Ursula de Almeida +670 725 1383
Peter Murphy + 61 418 312 301
Efrem dos Anjos +670 728 2076
GABINETE DO PRIMEIRO-MINISTRO
PRESS RELEASE
June 20, 2006
Attention: International Affairs Reporter Chief of Staff
“We will never let the people down, we are here” - Timor-Leste government coordinates emergency assistance program
For 51 days, the staff of the Timor-Leste Ministry of Labor and Community Reinsertion has responded to the waves of community fear and surges of people into safe areas in Dili and in other districts. They have ensured that people have basic needs and know they have not been abandoned. Today over 148,000 people rely on the coordination by this Ministry, the MTRC.
“Our staff, whether they come from east or west, have continued to work together to serve the people,” said Minister Arsénio Bano . “Despite the shooting, we have always had about 90% of our staff on duty, even though many of us also have to live in the Internally Displaced Persons centres too”. As of June 17, there were 57 such IDP centres in Dili, helping over 69,000 people, and there are more than 78,000 in IDP centres or with other families in the Districts and Sub-Districts.
After the first impact of the political crisis hit the community on April 28, the international community responded as if Timor-Leste was a 'failed state', with no capacity of its own to make an organised response. However, the MTRC quickly demonstrated its capacity to coordinate with UN agencies and NGO aid agencies to provide food, water, sanitation, shelter and health services to the IDP centres. MTRC had consistent backup from other Ministries, such as Health, Water, Public Works, Transport and Communications, Agriculture, Finance and State Administration.
“It was very important on the human level that we helped everyone in need, and it was also important because otherwise the political conflict may have escalated,” said Minister Bano. “With the UN's Flash Appeal for US$16 million, we need to ensure the programs are implemented effectively and transparently, using all the lessons we learned from the UNTAET period”.
The Inter-Agency Humanitarian Assistance Coordination Group started operating on May 1 with two basic mechanisms – a General Coordinating Meeting three times per week at 9.30 am, and a Sectoral Coordination Working Group which works in seven sectors – water and sanitation, health, food, shelter, District Teams, Protection Group. Assessment and Information Teams - based on all agencies and NGOs - ensure good information on the changing conditions of displaced people and enable good planning and use of warehousing and distribution. There is a daily radio program, and a media conference every second day at 2.30pm.
IDP centres are managed by nuns and priests. UNFPA, and the NGOs Concern, Care, CVTL (Red Cross Timor-Leste), HAI, ICRC (International Red Cross), Plan, Christian Relief Service, Caritas Australia and Austcare provide focal points in the IDP Centres. These agencies and organisations link the Coordination Group and the people in the centres.
The MRTC has distributed rice, and the World Food Program has distributed supplementary food items, to all IDP centres and to vulnerable people still in their homes, and government institutions. The Timor-Leste government has spent over US$1 million to buy 5000 tonnes of rice, of which the New Zealand government paid for 1000 tonnes. Ships have been sent to Atauro Island and to Oecusse, and trucks to all Districts.
For further comment:
Minister Arsénio Bano +670 723 0023
Carmen da Cruz +670 727 1516
Ursula de Almeida +670 725 1383
Peter Murphy + 61 418 312 301
Efrem dos Anjos +670 728 2076
PM Mari Alkatiri rejects Railos 'hit squad' allegations
REPÚBLICA DEMOCRÁTICA DE TIMOR-LESTE
GABINETE DO PRIMEIRO-MINISTRO
PRESS RELEASE
Alkatiri rejects Railos 'hit squad' allegations
Prime Minister of Timor-Leste, Mari Alkatiri, today totally rejected allegations by Commander Vicente Railos made on RTTL TV the previous day, that he had armed Railos and asked him to kill oppositionists as well as opponents inside FRETILIN, and that delegates to the FRETILIN Congress had been given arms to kill opponents before the 2007 elections. The Prime Minister presented his response to journalists from RTTL just before noon at the Government Palace.
He also rejected Commander Railos' opening political statement on the TV news, that the Prime Minister symbolised foreign ideas that would divide and destroy the country. “This kind of statement has been used against me ever since I became Prime Minister in May 2002,” he said, condemning Railos for appearing armed, with other armed men, in the uniform of the Police Reserve Unit (URP), and for attacking the headquarters of the national army (F-FDTL) on May 24.
Railos offers to disarm
During questioning, the Prime Minister reported that Railos had telephoned him this morning, to say he wanted to hand in his guns to President Xanana Gusmão. “I told him to give his weapons to the police or the Australian army, and asked him not to be used by people who want to destroy FRETILIN,” said Mr. Alkatiri. “I took his call because he is a FRETILIN member and because a lack of communication is behind many of our problems”.
The Prime Minister said he spoke to Railos two or three times during the 3-day FRETILIN Congress, and certainly never told him to form an armed group. “I myself have called for independent, international investigations of all these incidents and allegations,” he said. “Police have interrogated FRETILIN Congress delegates from Maliana about the alleged arms they received, and nothing was found”.
The Prime Minister put the Railos allegations into the context of previous failed efforts to smear his name with the aim of forcing the resignation of his government. He noted the alleged bribe from the oil company ConnocoPhilips, which could not be substantiated in court, or the misleading statements in 2005 that he was against religion., and this year, the allegations that he was the cause of the trouble with the petitioning soldiers. “They were calling for my resignation before the F-FDTL was deployed after the violence on April 28. They don't want to highlight the attack by Major Reinado on the army and the home of Brigadier General Taur Matan Ruak on May 23, or his attack on the F-FDTL HQ the next day. They only focus on what can damage the Prime Minister,” concluded Mr. Alkatiri.
Dili, June 20, 2006
For further information please contact the Media Advisor:
Miguel Sarmento/Rui Flores — Tel. +670 723 01 40 ou rui.flores@gmail.com
Peter Murphy — Tel. + 61 418 312 301
Efrem dos Anjos — Tel. + 670 728 2076
GABINETE DO PRIMEIRO-MINISTRO
PRESS RELEASE
Alkatiri rejects Railos 'hit squad' allegations
Prime Minister of Timor-Leste, Mari Alkatiri, today totally rejected allegations by Commander Vicente Railos made on RTTL TV the previous day, that he had armed Railos and asked him to kill oppositionists as well as opponents inside FRETILIN, and that delegates to the FRETILIN Congress had been given arms to kill opponents before the 2007 elections. The Prime Minister presented his response to journalists from RTTL just before noon at the Government Palace.
He also rejected Commander Railos' opening political statement on the TV news, that the Prime Minister symbolised foreign ideas that would divide and destroy the country. “This kind of statement has been used against me ever since I became Prime Minister in May 2002,” he said, condemning Railos for appearing armed, with other armed men, in the uniform of the Police Reserve Unit (URP), and for attacking the headquarters of the national army (F-FDTL) on May 24.
Railos offers to disarm
During questioning, the Prime Minister reported that Railos had telephoned him this morning, to say he wanted to hand in his guns to President Xanana Gusmão. “I told him to give his weapons to the police or the Australian army, and asked him not to be used by people who want to destroy FRETILIN,” said Mr. Alkatiri. “I took his call because he is a FRETILIN member and because a lack of communication is behind many of our problems”.
The Prime Minister said he spoke to Railos two or three times during the 3-day FRETILIN Congress, and certainly never told him to form an armed group. “I myself have called for independent, international investigations of all these incidents and allegations,” he said. “Police have interrogated FRETILIN Congress delegates from Maliana about the alleged arms they received, and nothing was found”.
The Prime Minister put the Railos allegations into the context of previous failed efforts to smear his name with the aim of forcing the resignation of his government. He noted the alleged bribe from the oil company ConnocoPhilips, which could not be substantiated in court, or the misleading statements in 2005 that he was against religion., and this year, the allegations that he was the cause of the trouble with the petitioning soldiers. “They were calling for my resignation before the F-FDTL was deployed after the violence on April 28. They don't want to highlight the attack by Major Reinado on the army and the home of Brigadier General Taur Matan Ruak on May 23, or his attack on the F-FDTL HQ the next day. They only focus on what can damage the Prime Minister,” concluded Mr. Alkatiri.
Dili, June 20, 2006
For further information please contact the Media Advisor:
Miguel Sarmento/Rui Flores — Tel. +670 723 01 40 ou rui.flores@gmail.com
Peter Murphy — Tel. + 61 418 312 301
Efrem dos Anjos — Tel. + 670 728 2076
Rogerio Lobato's side of the story...
Sábado, Junho 17, 2006
SÃO cada vez mais fortes os indícios que apontam para Rogério Lobato como sendo o principal responsável pelo caos militar e humanitário que se vive em Timor-Leste desde o dia 28 de Abril, quando uma manifestação de desertores do exército acabou num confronto armado entre militares e civis, desencadeando nas semanas seguintes uma revolta incontrolável que contou com o apoio de polícias e de grupos paramilitares supostamente fiéis ao ex-ministro do Interior.
Numa tentativa de preservar provas, os procuradores internacionais mandatados pela ONU resolveram começar já esta semana a investigação criminal, antecipando assim a chegada de uma equipa de polícias designada pelo secretário-geral, Kofi Annan
Desde hoje que os procuradores internacionais têm segurança 24 horas por dia como medida de precaução.
Dada a incerteza sobre a quantidade e o paradeiro de muitas das armas compradas nos últimos anos para a polícia por Rogério Lobato, os magistrados acreditam ter razões para temer pela sua integridade física.
Além de um grupo em Liquiçá (33 homens armados com metralhadoras AK-33) que denunciou na semana passada ter trabalhado debaixo das ordens directas do ex-ministro do Interior (tendo elaborado, entretanto, um relatório com detalhes sobre todos os seus contactos e actividades), o EXPRESSO apurou que ainda sobram pelo menos dois grupos semelhantes em Maliana e em Kotalama, perto de Ermera.
Um deles tem 20 homens e é liderado por um ex-guerrilheiro chamado António Limalima, enquanto o outro é composto por uma equipa de 16 homens coordenada pelo comandante Joaquim Roque. Ambos estão armados com metralhadoras AK-33 e usam fardas da Unidade de Reserva da Polícia, criada em 2004 pelo Governo para combater milícias nas zonas rurais.
Os tiroteios que ainda se ouvem à noite nessas e noutras áreas do país fazem acreditar que continuam activos. Estes paramilitares, incluindo o grupo de Liquiçá, fazem parte de uma alegada estrutura de segurança secreta da Fretilin, o partido do Governo que ainda há duas semanas elegeu Lobato para a vice-presidência, já depois da sua demissão do cargo de ministro do Interior e de haver suspeitas sobre o seu comportamento menos claro à frente das polícias.
O relatório do grupo de Liquiçá, assinado pelo comandante Railos e remetido esta semana a Xanana Gusmão, inclui os nomes de todos os elementos da Fretilin com quem foram feitos encontros e transacções de armas e equipamentos, além de discriminar os nomes dos mortos e feridos em combate, apresentando também um conjunto de números de série das armas que ainda estão na sua posse, para que sejam comparados com os registos da Polícia Nacional de Timor-Leste (PNTL).
Railos alega que a entrega das armas ao seu grupo foi feita pelo comandante da polícia de fronteira, António da Cruz, sendo que o primeiro lote de 10 metralhadoras AK-33 e 6000 balas lhe chegou às mãos no dia 10 de Maio, pelas 22 horas, num encontro realizado no cemitério de Rate Pahlawan, perto da praia de Liquiçá.
António da Cruz esteve incontactável durante esta semana, mas cruzando as versões de todas as partes acerca dos confrontos de 22 a 25 de Maio, a informação contida nas cinco páginas do relatório do comandante Railos é consistente. Durante vários dias, houve um ataque coordenado a várias posições militares das Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste (FDTL) em que participaram grupos rebeldes vindos das montanhas para Díli, liderados pelo major Alfredo Reinado e acompanhados por agentes da Unidade de Intervenção Rápida e da Unidade de Reserva da Polícia.
O tenente Gastão Salsinha, líder dos desertores do exército (conhecidos por peticionários), foi um dos participantes no ataque ao quartel-general das FDTL em Tasitolu nos dias 23 e 24 e admitiu ao EXPRESSO que o comandante Railos e os seus homens também estavam presentes no local, embora não tenha sido capaz de responder à pergunta sobre o que estariam a fazer ali peticionários armados, quando era suposto estarem desarmados e acantonados em Ermera, a 40 quilómetros da capital, tal como tinha afirmado antes em várias entrevistas.
Demasiadas coincidências. Foram precisamente os homens da polícia de fronteira comandada por António da Cruz que estiveram a fazer o controlo de entradas e saídas em Tassitolu no dia 28 de Abril, junto ao quartel-general das FDTL e ao local (Raikotu) onde houve o confronto armado entre o exército e os peticionários e seus apoiantes. A verdade é que os manifestantes não tinham armas de fogo quando saíram da frente do palácio do Governo, depois de terem incendiado dois carros com gasolina e atirado pedras ao edifício, mas ao fim de algumas horas, quando se envolveram no combate com os militares da FDTL em Tassitolu, já estavam na posse de metralhadoras, sendo que durante todo o trajecto foram acompanhados apenas pela polícia. Segundo Lino Saldanha, comandante-adjunto da PNTL para a área da administração, há um mês que um contingente de 80 polícias da fronteira se encontrava em Díli, vindo de Maliana.
Por outro lado, está por justificar o facto de se encontrarem mais de 500 polícias na cidade no dia 28 de Abril, mas terem sido destacados apenas 85 para a manifestação em frente ao palácio do Governo, não havendo qualquer reforço da segurança mesmo depois de os peticionários terem invadido o parque do edifício e incendiado dois carros. Esse pedido de auxílio foi feito diversas vezes por Mari Alkatiri ao ministro do Interior mas não teve qualquer efeito, obrigando o primeiro-ministro a requerer a intervenção das FDTL.
Ismael Babo, que esteve a coordenar as operações nesse dia, confessou ao EXPRESSO que recebeu ordens directas de Rogério Lobato não para reforçar a guarda ao palácio, mas antes para evacuar todos os membros do Governo e do parlamento para o quartel-general da polícia. Mais tarde, depois da viagem das centenas de manifestantes para Tasitolu ter sido acompanhada por apenas 12 polícias, o então ministro do Interior deu uma outra ordem: a retirada total dos agentes do local, mesmo constatando que os manifestantes precisariam de ser desarmados, deixando apenas um posto de controlo na rotunda do aeroporto, para ninguém passar na estrada além do exército.
Desde o dia 28 de Abril que em muitos bairros da cidade se espalharam os rumores sobre um massacre cometido pelos militares, dizendo-se que tinham sido mortos mais de 60 civis inocentes (apenas cinco estão confirmados pelo director do hospital de Díli) a mando de Mari Alkatiri. Foi isso que deu origem aos incêndios e às batalhas campais entre vizinhos, enchendo as imagens das televisões internacionais. A armadilha. As hierarquias das FDTL, contudo, acreditam terem sido empurradas para uma armadilha com o objectivo de diabolizar as forças armadas, alimentando o ódio no seio do povo ao núcleo duro de antigos guerrilheiros da resistência. Com isso o pilar do recém-criado e ainda frágil estado democrático de Timor-Leste cairia por terra, dando lugar a um reequilíbrio interno de poderes.
É unânime a opinião em Díli de que a situação política em Timor-Leste é, neste momento, muito complexa e de que existe uma teia intricada de cumplicidades e silêncios que poderá pôr em risco a investigação internacional, apesar de ela ter sido publicamente reclamada por todas as partes: presidente, primeiro-ministro, oposição, rebeldes, polícias e militares.
Parece haver uma notória vontade nos discursos e nas atitudes do primeiro-ministro, Mari Alkatiri, e do próprio Xanana Gusmão de fazer com que o princípio de reconciliação nacional passe por cima do princípio da justiça e da responsabilização criminal. Daí a tolerância do Presidente em relação ao major Reinado e aos outros rebeldes e a compensação dada por Alkatiri a Rogério Lobato, ao permitir a sua ascensão a vice-presidente da Fretilin.
O apelido Lobato tem um peso enorme no país, sendo um dos clãs históricos da luta pela independência desde 1975. O irmão de Rogério, Nicolau Lobato, foi o primeiro líder máximo das Falintil nas montanhas. A sua morte, ao fim de 12 horas de combate com os indonésios no último dia de 1978, fez dele o maior mártir de Timor. Embora exilado, Rogério sucedeu-lhe no lugar, mas acabaria por cair em desgraça quando nos anos 80 foi apanhado em Angola a fazer tráfico de diamantes, o que lhe valeu dois anos de prisão, sendo acusado por alguns colegas da própria Fretilin de o ter feito em benefício próprio.
Quando regressou a Timor ao fim de 25 anos no estrangeiro, um grupo de centenas de ex-combatentes liderados pelo guerrilheiro L7 viu nele o político capaz de representar o seu descontentamento por não terem sido integrados nas forças armadas do país recém-criado. Nos corredores do palácio do Governo asseguram que foi esse o apoio decisivo no convite que Mari Alkatiri lhe fez para ocupar o cargo de ministro da Administração Interna (mais tarde, ministro do Interior, já sem a área da administração estatal). L7 chegou a ser nomeado assessor de Lobato para a segurança, mas os dois acabariam por se desentender em 2003.
Ambicioso e temperamental. Rogério Lobato é descrito em Díli como um homem ambicioso e temperamental que gosta de controlar os seus homens e de impor respeito com uma autoridade musculada. Um episódio ocorrido no início deste ano perante jornalistas da televisão local e perante o próprio procurador-geral da República demonstra como é capaz de actuar. Ao acompanhar a detenção de um grupo de jovens arruaceiros, mandou-os encostar à parede e pediu para desligarem por momentos a câmara de televisão, aproveitando o intervalo para dizer aos detidos: «Ou me contam a verdade ou parto-vos as pernas». Uma personalidade forte que, juntamente com o seu apelido sonante, parecem fazer de Alkatiri apenas um seu refém.
Golpe em Timor-Leste liderado por ex-ministro
OS DADOS recolhidos pelos investigadores internacionais apontam para o ex-ministro do interior de Timor-Leste, Rogério Lobato, como responsável por um complexo golpe de Estado que visava eliminar a cúpula das Forças Armadas. Os procuradores internacionais já viram a sua segurança reforçada, 24 horas por dia, como medida de precaução, uma vez que está em parte incerta uma quantidade significativa de armas compradas para a polícia por Rogério Lobato.
Em Liquiçá, um grupo de 33 homens armados com metralhadoras admitiu ter trabalhado sob as ordens do ex-ministro do Interior. Um relatório desse grupo, assinado pelo comandante Railos e entregue esta semana ao Presidente Xanana, inclui os nomes de todos os elementos da Fretilin com quem houve encontros e com quem foram feitas transacções de armas e equipamentos, além de discriminar o nome dos mortos e feridos em combate. Dois grupos semelhantes estarão a operar no interior de Timor-Leste. Estes grupos de paramilitares fazem parte de uma alega da estrutura de segurança secreta da Fretilin, estão armados com metralhadoras e usam fardas da Unidade de Reserva da Polícia.
Em entrevista ao EXPRESSO, o ex-ministro Rogério Lobato admite que «se a Fretilin se levantar, ninguém a controla».
«Conhecemos todos os buracos deste país»
O EX-MINISTRO do Interior resolveu abrir a porta da sua casa ao EXPRESSO, ontem à noite, para acusar o comandante-geral da polícia, o presidente Xanana Gusmão e padres da Igreja Católica de estarem por detrás da tentativa de golpe de Estado no país. Pelo meio, admite ter criado o grupo paramilitar do comandante Railos, pondo em xeque o próprio primeiro-ministro Mari Alkatiri.
E ainda deixa um recado: quando a Fretilin se levantar, será o povo todo a levantar-se.
Existem várias versões sobre o que aconteceu em Timor. Qual é a sua?
Na minha carta (de demissão) eu refiro claramente um comando bicéfalo.
O que quer dizer com bicéfalo?
Que a intervenção do Presidente sobre os peticionários afectou as relações com os militares.
Xanana Gusmão deveria ter tido outra atitude com os militares?
Deveria ter sido mais ponderado e não vir a público atacar e deitar abaixo. Isso caiu mal nas pessoas que andaram com ele no mato durante muitos anos. Mas este problema surgiu muito antes. A PNTL (Polícia Nacional de Timor-Leste) está sob a tutela exclusiva do Governo. A partir de uma dada altura, apercebi-me de que muitas vezes o senhor comandante da polícia ia reunir-se na Presidência da República sem o meu conhecimento. Sem, inclusivamente, o conhecimento do primeiro-ministro. Naturalmente que isso me preocupou (...). E depois há uma manifestação que deixa de o ser para passar a ser um acto de violência organizada. Isso o que é? É crime!
O senhor não estava a acompanhar as operações da Polícia para fazer frente a essa manifestação de 28 de Abril?
Estava. Só que as ordens que eu tinha dado era para que a Unidade de Intervenção Rápida (UIR) se concentrasse toda no palácio do Governo.
Deu essas ordens a quem?
Dei-as ao comandante-geral.
E ele disse-lhe o quê?
Disse-me que sim, mas depois pura e simplesmente não as cumpriu.
Que tipo de relação tem o comandante-geral da polícia com Xanana Gusmão? Como é que essa relação poderá ter prejudicado a actuação da Polícia?
Essa relação acabou por tornar ineficaz a actuação da Polícia.
Parece-lhe que o comandante-geral da Polícia foi influenciado pelo Presidente?
Não quero fazer a acusação, mas sei que houve contactos de que não tivemos conhecimento.
E já questionou Xanana Gusmão?
Não.
Entre o dia 23 e o dia 24 houve um ataque ao quartel-general do Exército em Tassitolu por rebeldes e polícias em que estava presente o comandante Railos e os seus homens. O senhor é acusado de ter criado esse grupo paramilitar.
Essas acusações são descabidas e falsas. Nós constituímos um grupo de antigos combatentes que conhecem todos os esconderijos por onde entravam as milícias. Eles seriam pisteiros que ensinavam os homens da nossa Unidade de Reserva da Polícia (URP) para poderem actuar numa situação de guerrilha...
Incluindo o comandante Railos e os seus homens?
Esses homens foram recrutados mais tarde. Nós vimos que era necessário criar um grupo com experiência, só que depois descoordenou-se completamente. Fez o que quis.
Quantos homens fazem parte desses grupos paramilitares?
Penso que são 15.
O comandante Railos diz que tem 30.
É possível que tenham aumentado para 30.
E que é da segurança secreta da Fretilin.
Não.
O primeiro-ministro já admitiu que eles são da Fretilin...
Nós recrutámo-los para serem pisteiros...
Mas são militantes da Fretilin.
Bom, eles podem ser militantes da Fretilin ou não. São antigos combatentes.
O primeiro-ministro assumiu que recebeu o comandante Railos e dois dos seus adjuntos em sua casa no dia 8 de Maio.
Naturalmente, mas sempre dentro daquele quadro de integrá-los nessa força que nós temos.
O comandante Railos diz que recebeu uma ordem sua para travar os peticionários nos dias 23 e 24 de Maio em Tibar. É verdade?
As pessoas em Díli estavam muito preocupadas na altura. Houve os ataques em Tibar e estavam milhares de pessoas lá acantonadas. Foi por isso que eu pedi para fazerem tudo no sentido de impedirem que essas forças chegassem a Díli, para não semearem a morte. Até porque uns dias antes tinham sido assassinados familiares meus: a minha cunhada e cinco sobrinhas. Foi o esforço que nós fizemos. Não resultou.
Muitos padres acusam a Fretilin, Mari Alkatiri e o senhor de distribuírem armas.
Um desses padres tem contactos com o major Mustafá para introduzir armas em Timor.
Quem é o major Mustafá?
Eu acho que já falei de mais. Eles que não comecem a falar, porque nós conhecemos-lhes os rabos de palha. Nós não temos segredos. Até agora a Fretilin não se levantou. Quando pedi a minha demissão do Governo foi porque todas asbaterias estavam apontadas para o senhor primeiro-ministro. Parece que ele é o grande demónio deste país e os outros são todos santos. Não são santos. O santo é mesmo ele.
Prevê a possibilidade de uma guerra civil?
Guerra civil contra quem? Quando a Fretilin se levantar, será o povo todo. Nós conhecemos os buracos todos deste país.
O senhor já fez uma longa lista de acusações - Presidente, polícias, Igreja....
Eu deixaria aos jornalistas a investigação.
Acha que se trata de uma aliança?
Não há dúvida nenhuma.
E inclui nesse lote o ministro Ramos-Horta?
O meu compadre Ramos-Horta... se um ministro critica o próprio primeiro-ministro... Não gostaria de responder da mesma forma.
Could anyone translate this to English?...
Re-hashed arms story rejected by Timor-Leste government
REPÚBLICA DEMOCRÁTICA DE TIMOR-LESTE
GABINETE DO PRIMEIRO-MINISTRO PRESS RELEASE
June 19, 2006
Attention: International Affairs Reporter Chief of Staff
For immediate release
Re-hashed arms story rejected by Timor-Leste government
“One hard fact in today's reports in The Age and Sydney Morning Herald is that the company headedby Bader Alkatiri imported 257,000 rounds of ammunition at the end of 2004 for the police force,” said Mr Antoninho Bianco, Minister in the Presidency of the Council of Ministers of Timor-Leste.
“The reports failed to include that this purchase was the result of an open tender, designed with the input of foreign advisers, conducted in afully transparent manner,” said Minister Bianco.“This ammunition purchase is not the basis forany scandalous allegation against anyone in my government,” he said.
The story is a re-hash of a report by Herald writer Mark Dodd from July 7, 2005. It includes another fact that seven high-powered F2000 automatic rifles were imported by a company led by Mr Filipe Sousa-Santos, under a contract led by the United Nations Administration, UNTAET. Mr Santos-Sousa is part of the Carrascalão family,whose leading figure, Mario Carrascalão, is President of the six-member Opposition Social Democratic Party. The 30 armed members of the group led by Commander Railos Vicente were interviewed on the night of June 8 by the ABC 4 Corners reporter Liz Jackson at Mr Carrascalau's villa outside Dili.
“This old story should not divert attention from the really important issue of identifying who distributed arms to civilians in the week of May 22 or before that,” said the Minister Bianco.“Our government is fully involved in supporting this investigation”.
The SMH and Age stories seek to link the import of the ammunition to unsubstantiated reports that secretly imported and distributed arms to civilians such as the Railos group, which is now reported to be 20 armed people located at Liquica, on the coast west of Dili. This tenuous linkage is then used to suggest that the Prime Minister should be investigated and then dismissed by the President.
On June 14, President Xanana Gusmao declared to the Parliament that he would always uphold the Constitution, which does not allow him to dismissthe Prime Minister unless the Parliament itself declares a State of Emergency.
For further comment:
Antoninho Bianco + 670 723 0026
Peter Murphy + 61 418 312 301
Efrem dos Anjos + 670 728 2076
GABINETE DO PRIMEIRO-MINISTRO PRESS RELEASE
June 19, 2006
Attention: International Affairs Reporter Chief of Staff
For immediate release
Re-hashed arms story rejected by Timor-Leste government
“One hard fact in today's reports in The Age and Sydney Morning Herald is that the company headedby Bader Alkatiri imported 257,000 rounds of ammunition at the end of 2004 for the police force,” said Mr Antoninho Bianco, Minister in the Presidency of the Council of Ministers of Timor-Leste.
“The reports failed to include that this purchase was the result of an open tender, designed with the input of foreign advisers, conducted in afully transparent manner,” said Minister Bianco.“This ammunition purchase is not the basis forany scandalous allegation against anyone in my government,” he said.
The story is a re-hash of a report by Herald writer Mark Dodd from July 7, 2005. It includes another fact that seven high-powered F2000 automatic rifles were imported by a company led by Mr Filipe Sousa-Santos, under a contract led by the United Nations Administration, UNTAET. Mr Santos-Sousa is part of the Carrascalão family,whose leading figure, Mario Carrascalão, is President of the six-member Opposition Social Democratic Party. The 30 armed members of the group led by Commander Railos Vicente were interviewed on the night of June 8 by the ABC 4 Corners reporter Liz Jackson at Mr Carrascalau's villa outside Dili.
“This old story should not divert attention from the really important issue of identifying who distributed arms to civilians in the week of May 22 or before that,” said the Minister Bianco.“Our government is fully involved in supporting this investigation”.
The SMH and Age stories seek to link the import of the ammunition to unsubstantiated reports that secretly imported and distributed arms to civilians such as the Railos group, which is now reported to be 20 armed people located at Liquica, on the coast west of Dili. This tenuous linkage is then used to suggest that the Prime Minister should be investigated and then dismissed by the President.
On June 14, President Xanana Gusmao declared to the Parliament that he would always uphold the Constitution, which does not allow him to dismissthe Prime Minister unless the Parliament itself declares a State of Emergency.
For further comment:
Antoninho Bianco + 670 723 0026
Peter Murphy + 61 418 312 301
Efrem dos Anjos + 670 728 2076
'My resignation would only increase tension'
The Jakarta Post June 19, 2006
'My resignation would only increase tension'
The embattled Prime Minister of Timor Leste, Mari Alkatiri, is facing demands for his resignation amid claims by rebel leaders that he gave them weapons to kill opposition leaders ahead of next year's election, charges which he has repeatedly denied. Alkatiri, the secretary-general of the Fretilin majority party, talked to The Jakarta Post's Ati Nurbaiti on Friday, while outside Dili, one of the armed rebel groups holding military weapons began to return them through Australian troops, the largest group among the multinational forces.
Question: What was the cause of the crisis -- was it a lack of government authority regarding crucial posts, such as the interior minister overseeing the police or the post of the military chief?
Answer: A lot of people have tried to interfere in government affairs. Now, after having successfully interfered in the command and control of the police and military, they claim (the cause of the crisis) was the government.
We need to investigate clearly who interfered in the command and control of police and military. Until three or four months ago, the police were commended many times by the President as an example of a good institution; suddenly we have a completely fragmented police. I don't think it was really an accident.
What about the military?
The military is different, it was charges of discrimination of one group against the other. But if you make allegations you need to be prepared for an inquiry, but they (those who protested in peaceful demonstrations which turned violent) have been refusing up to now to participate in the whole process (conducted) to get the truth.
Even in the military if you talk to commanders and officers you will see there was political interference in professional institutions. But never by the government. Others did it, even foreign parties. I have no doubt that this is a coup attempt against the government, but let us have more time to investigate.
Would your resigning at least help to reduce tensions?
Exactly the opposite. If I resign now it's going to increase tension, because of my supporters (Fretilin has 55 out of 88 seats in parliament - editor).
Would Australia gain if you resigned?
Ask them, ask PM John Howard, (Foreign Minister Alexander) Downer, they will tell the truth, I trust them. If I was PM of the biggest power in the region I would never interfere in the affairs of others. I believe they would do the same.
What is it about your policies that are so disliked? Timor refusing loans maybe?
I'm doing my best to serve my people. Up to now we don't need loans; now we have money and the means to spend it. (The May report of Timor Leste's Petroleum Fund deposited at the U.S. Federal Reserve Bank says that of March 2006, the net asset value was US$508 million, compared to $370 million in December. - ed). Why would we need loans, it's not an ideological problem. Ideology is completely out of date, so I don't consider it (Alkatiri and his government is referred to "Marxist" and "communist" in local and foreign media; he lived as self-imposed exile in Mozambique and is known for "nationalist" policies such as rejecting the privatization of electricity. - ed)
Does this crisis have something to do with your oil resources?
It is better to make some comparative studies: When you're rich in oil and gas like Angola, Nigeria, Indonesia and Venezuela, you are always going to have trouble. We try to avoid problems, that is why we established an oil fund in a transparent way. But when people start to think you have money, they'll say why is the money in the bag and not distributed.
But it is not the poor who think like this, it's the populists. But we'll retain our system, commended by countries and institutions over the world. It is based on the Norwegian system regarding management of oil and gas but much more transparent. We have been inviting lots of experts on transparency.
As a small country it is much more difficult to resist and avoid neighbors. We hope that our neighbors and friends around the world will help us avoid even bigger problems than this one.
What are your current priorities?
Restoring law and order, working hard to serve the people and working hard to win again in the next elections. The priority now is to how to rebuild the police and how to really strengthen the national military; and how to get people's confidence back so they will go back to their homes. This is not easy.
What about the proposal of the opposition to have the president take over government?
They are afraid to face elections, they are claiming to be democratic but are against democracy, the rule of law, this is the kind of opposition that we have here ... some working with conservative groups, also from other countries (peaceful demonstrations protested plans to make religious studies optional, with unverified reports of foreign support. - Ed)
Maybe the president wants you removed?
For what reason? He is one of the biggest defenders of the constitution, he is already president. These groups have to work hard to build their own parties and not use others in an unconstitutional coup.The opposition has no real capacity.
How much do you think Timor Leste has achieved in its four years of independence?
Ask the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund. World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz has commended (our) achievements, even during this crisis. There is no doubt there have big achievements.
Will this crisis be resolved in the near future?
No doubt; 75 percent of the problems are already overcome, mainly security. Groups like that of Maj. Alfredo Reinado (who handed in weapons Friday and who has accused government forces of killing military and civilian members) represent nothing in terms of people's support.
You're not worried about the military?
The military is loyal to the constitution.
So how are you coping amid allegations that you want to kill people?
It is my nature that I work very well under pressure. I believe those people who are trying to overthrow the government will not stop. They will try other ways; this morning some held a meeting of intellectuals of (all of Timor's 13 districts) to set up a shadow government, okay, then do it, let's face elections.
People are tired of demonstrations, of violence. So we're trying to do what we can to stop supporters to come down (to Dili); when Fretilin decides to come down it will be not 1,000 or 2,000 but 100,000 people or more. That is why we keep telling them to keep tolerating (provocation) and not making provocation.
In hindsight could any of this be prevented?
It's not easy. The only way is to have professional media, strong institutions like the police and army working together and some intelligence service; this is a country of only four years.
The main lesson is when you have problems in the army or police they must be resolved quickly, don't give time for these problems to be political. Such matters (initially a protest by military personnel) are normally resolved by government. Yes (the resolving) was very slow but this was also because of overlapping of competence, interference in the military and police.
In this country institutional life it not yet strong, while personalities are strong. Individuals still have leverage to be used and you need to manage this and give some time; if not managed properly it will become a disaster. And this generation of leadership has to do everything possible for the next generation, to provide a legacy of a democratic culture, a culture to respect the rule of law. If they fail to do this it will be difficult for the next generation.
'My resignation would only increase tension'
The embattled Prime Minister of Timor Leste, Mari Alkatiri, is facing demands for his resignation amid claims by rebel leaders that he gave them weapons to kill opposition leaders ahead of next year's election, charges which he has repeatedly denied. Alkatiri, the secretary-general of the Fretilin majority party, talked to The Jakarta Post's Ati Nurbaiti on Friday, while outside Dili, one of the armed rebel groups holding military weapons began to return them through Australian troops, the largest group among the multinational forces.
Question: What was the cause of the crisis -- was it a lack of government authority regarding crucial posts, such as the interior minister overseeing the police or the post of the military chief?
Answer: A lot of people have tried to interfere in government affairs. Now, after having successfully interfered in the command and control of the police and military, they claim (the cause of the crisis) was the government.
We need to investigate clearly who interfered in the command and control of police and military. Until three or four months ago, the police were commended many times by the President as an example of a good institution; suddenly we have a completely fragmented police. I don't think it was really an accident.
What about the military?
The military is different, it was charges of discrimination of one group against the other. But if you make allegations you need to be prepared for an inquiry, but they (those who protested in peaceful demonstrations which turned violent) have been refusing up to now to participate in the whole process (conducted) to get the truth.
Even in the military if you talk to commanders and officers you will see there was political interference in professional institutions. But never by the government. Others did it, even foreign parties. I have no doubt that this is a coup attempt against the government, but let us have more time to investigate.
Would your resigning at least help to reduce tensions?
Exactly the opposite. If I resign now it's going to increase tension, because of my supporters (Fretilin has 55 out of 88 seats in parliament - editor).
Would Australia gain if you resigned?
Ask them, ask PM John Howard, (Foreign Minister Alexander) Downer, they will tell the truth, I trust them. If I was PM of the biggest power in the region I would never interfere in the affairs of others. I believe they would do the same.
What is it about your policies that are so disliked? Timor refusing loans maybe?
I'm doing my best to serve my people. Up to now we don't need loans; now we have money and the means to spend it. (The May report of Timor Leste's Petroleum Fund deposited at the U.S. Federal Reserve Bank says that of March 2006, the net asset value was US$508 million, compared to $370 million in December. - ed). Why would we need loans, it's not an ideological problem. Ideology is completely out of date, so I don't consider it (Alkatiri and his government is referred to "Marxist" and "communist" in local and foreign media; he lived as self-imposed exile in Mozambique and is known for "nationalist" policies such as rejecting the privatization of electricity. - ed)
Does this crisis have something to do with your oil resources?
It is better to make some comparative studies: When you're rich in oil and gas like Angola, Nigeria, Indonesia and Venezuela, you are always going to have trouble. We try to avoid problems, that is why we established an oil fund in a transparent way. But when people start to think you have money, they'll say why is the money in the bag and not distributed.
But it is not the poor who think like this, it's the populists. But we'll retain our system, commended by countries and institutions over the world. It is based on the Norwegian system regarding management of oil and gas but much more transparent. We have been inviting lots of experts on transparency.
As a small country it is much more difficult to resist and avoid neighbors. We hope that our neighbors and friends around the world will help us avoid even bigger problems than this one.
What are your current priorities?
Restoring law and order, working hard to serve the people and working hard to win again in the next elections. The priority now is to how to rebuild the police and how to really strengthen the national military; and how to get people's confidence back so they will go back to their homes. This is not easy.
What about the proposal of the opposition to have the president take over government?
They are afraid to face elections, they are claiming to be democratic but are against democracy, the rule of law, this is the kind of opposition that we have here ... some working with conservative groups, also from other countries (peaceful demonstrations protested plans to make religious studies optional, with unverified reports of foreign support. - Ed)
Maybe the president wants you removed?
For what reason? He is one of the biggest defenders of the constitution, he is already president. These groups have to work hard to build their own parties and not use others in an unconstitutional coup.The opposition has no real capacity.
How much do you think Timor Leste has achieved in its four years of independence?
Ask the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund. World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz has commended (our) achievements, even during this crisis. There is no doubt there have big achievements.
Will this crisis be resolved in the near future?
No doubt; 75 percent of the problems are already overcome, mainly security. Groups like that of Maj. Alfredo Reinado (who handed in weapons Friday and who has accused government forces of killing military and civilian members) represent nothing in terms of people's support.
You're not worried about the military?
The military is loyal to the constitution.
So how are you coping amid allegations that you want to kill people?
It is my nature that I work very well under pressure. I believe those people who are trying to overthrow the government will not stop. They will try other ways; this morning some held a meeting of intellectuals of (all of Timor's 13 districts) to set up a shadow government, okay, then do it, let's face elections.
People are tired of demonstrations, of violence. So we're trying to do what we can to stop supporters to come down (to Dili); when Fretilin decides to come down it will be not 1,000 or 2,000 but 100,000 people or more. That is why we keep telling them to keep tolerating (provocation) and not making provocation.
In hindsight could any of this be prevented?
It's not easy. The only way is to have professional media, strong institutions like the police and army working together and some intelligence service; this is a country of only four years.
The main lesson is when you have problems in the army or police they must be resolved quickly, don't give time for these problems to be political. Such matters (initially a protest by military personnel) are normally resolved by government. Yes (the resolving) was very slow but this was also because of overlapping of competence, interference in the military and police.
In this country institutional life it not yet strong, while personalities are strong. Individuals still have leverage to be used and you need to manage this and give some time; if not managed properly it will become a disaster. And this generation of leadership has to do everything possible for the next generation, to provide a legacy of a democratic culture, a culture to respect the rule of law. If they fail to do this it will be difficult for the next generation.
